e-book Humanitarian Intervention: Why do states intervene in some humanitarian crises and not others?

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The deliberations over Libya, Evans argues, marked the "high water mark" of R2P — seeing the new norm referred to in two UN security council resolutions authorising "all necessary means" in the conflict. But the subsequent "backlash" is still being felt today. For Russia, Libya provided confirmation of its objections to R2P in the first place. For other countries such as South Africa, which had backed the principle of a new norm for intervention to prevent atrocities, the use of R2P for regime change in Libya — and the refusal of the P3 to report on the progress of the operation and its new parameters — were seen as betrayal.

Jennifer Walsh, professor of international relations at Oxford University who has studied the development of R2P, agrees with Evans's analysis. But she also identifies a "moral hazard" inherent in R2P — that it can create a perception in conflicts that a rebel force may be only a regime-sponsored atrocity away from international interveners coming to its aid. The incentive for rebels to find a negotiated solution is thus reduced. As Walsh points out, the suspicion that recent interventions have been too easily dominated by the agenda of the US, Britain and France has led to a push-back, led by Brazil.

The Brazilians and others are seeking to insist that any future military interventions on humanitarian grounds authorised by the UN should be guided both by a "prudential" assessment of the practicality of achieving the desired outcome in complex conflicts and informed by a mechanism for transparent, real-time reporting of the progress of operations to council members, to prevent resolutions being used as blank cheques by the P3 countries. This leaves the question of what the international community could do if it were proved definitively that chemical weapons had been used by the Assad regime in Syria, evidence that the British and US governments were backing away from last week.

Legitimacy of Intervention in Syria: Three Things to Know

Some US officials in private have suggested that at best any change in policy would see the provision of small arms to the "right rebels" in groups not tainted by association with jihadist elements, an even lighter footprint than the intervention in Libya. Others, including senators — such as John McCain, and analysts, have been calling for full-blown intervention. Options that have been mooted range from air strikes, to no-fly zones, the creation of safe havens and humanitarian corridors, and even a Bosnian-style soft partition of the country.

OPC was created as a response to the uprisings with the mandate to defend fleeing Kurds and provide humanitarian assistance on the ground Rudd, OPC was created through UNSC Resolution which condemned the repression and human rights violations against the Kurds perpetrated by Iraq, and gave the international community a great degree of freedom to provide humanitarian assistance to those in need within northern Iraq United Nations, Humanitarian aid came from multiple states involved in OPC.

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The US established refugee camps within northern Iraq through the Civil Affairs Battalion, the Civil Engineering Squadron establishing a multi-national refugee camp for displaced Kurds in Turkey, and the US Naval Mobile Construction battalion provided water well construction within northern Iraq and infrastructure repair Rudd, This along with the combined humanitarian efforts of American, Australian, French, Dutch, and Turkish militaries led to the improvement of not only human security of Kurds but as well as quality of life.

The intent of this report was to argue in favour of humanitarian intervention, maintaining the stance that it is not likely to be misused and that it is useful in stopping humanitarian crises and protecting the welfare of civilians therein. Humanitarian intervention in the 21 st operates within guidelines rooted in unanimously supported international documents and international law through the R2P.

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As noted earlier, academics in the field of humanitarian intervention also provide specific conditions for what is to be considered successful humanitarian intervention. In the cases provided I have demonstrated that humanitarian intervention has not only been successful in improving civilian security in dire circumstances but humanitarian intervention has not been misused by intervening states.

While still a crucial component of world order sovereignty has changed in order to improve civilian human security. States must adhere to minimal standards of human rights and cannot act with impunity towards citizens without considering decisive response by the international society of states.

The Dilemma of Humanitarian Intervention

Rummel states that in the twentieth century approximately 40 million people were killed in interstate warfare, whilst million people were killed by their own governments Bellamy, In the 21 st century we have multinational humanitarian intervention to prevent human loss by state governments; we have documents such as the R2P to guide humanitarian intervention, and international observers and academics to judge the success, failure, or misuse of humanitarian intervention by intervening states.

While there will always be a risk of humanitarian intervention being misused, this is not the norm over the course of history as demonstrated throughout this paper. With new guidelines like the R2P, humanitarian intervention can be regulated now more than ever before, leading to guided intervention and even less opportunities for misuse. Bellamy, A. Humanitarian intervention.

Is Intervention a Useful Tool to Stop Humanitarian Crises?

Mauer Eds. Abingdon: Routledge Handbooks. Clarke, W. Somalia and the Future of Humanitarian Intervention. Falk, R. Sovereignty and Human Dignity: The search for reconciliation. Alston, R. Oxford University Press. Gleditsch, K.

Humanitarian Intervention: "Why do states intervene in some humanitarian crises and not others?"

Non-State Actor Data: Version 3. Colchester: University of Essex. Haass, R. Sovereignty: Existsing rights, evolving responsibilities.

Holzgrefe, J. The intervention in Kosovo is said to be illegal because it lacked UN authority but was in my view nevertheless legitimate. Given its many shortcomings, the Security Council should perhaps be the first authority but not the only one. Others are precise about the justifications for intervention. But there is a risk that lists including genocide, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity might also exclude other legitimate causes.

Responsibility vs. Sovereignty

And what about consequences of natural disasters or starvation indirectly caused by government negligence, as was the case after cyclone Nargis hit Myanmar in ? But does such self-interest de-legitimise an intervention intended to protect civilians from attack?

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Attention should be paid to priority in operations for example, securing the population before the oil wells , to the kind of weapons used a ban on indiscriminate munitions containing uranium, napalm or white phosphorous and to the way they are used. The legitimacy of an intervention must be constantly reassessed before, during and after it is over.

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Establishing uncontestable criteria for intervention is difficult. But failing to do so creates incalculably worse consequences for others. Indeed intellectual frameworks for intervention are not a new phenomenon in liberal democracies. The text adopted by the UN four years later was even weaker. Most importantly, it confirmed that there is no obligation to intervene on humanitarian grounds. It is motivated by both humanitarian and national interests, as David Cameron explained when he evoked the security risk for Europe posed by the terrorist threat and potential migration pressure.