Manual Werke von Friedrich Gustav Schilling (German Edition)

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He was named after Elector Maximilian I of Bavaria, whom his father was serving at the time of his birth. He joined the Imperial army, together with his younger brother Francis Anthony. During the Franco-Dutch War , he commanded the imperial army on the Rhine. After the Peace of Nijmegen of , Maximilian returned to Vienna. Maximilian married Maria Clara in Boxmeer on 12 January She was a daughter of Count Albert of Berg-'s-Heerenberg. In , his father died. Maximilian divided the inheritance with his brother. He initiated various construction projects in the town of Sigmaringen, among them and expansion of Sigmaringen Castle.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Karl I, Count of Hohenzollern 8. Anna of Baden-Durlach 4.

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Johann, Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen Frederick V, Count of Oettingen-Wallerstein 9. Countess Euphrosyne of Oettingen-Wallerstein Countess Eufrosine of Oettingen-Wallerstein 2. Meinrad I, Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen Karl I, Count of Hohenzollern Anna of Baden-Durlach 5. Countess Johanna of Hohenzollern-Hechingen Count Froben Christoph of Zimmern Countess Sibylle of Zimmern The subject involved whatever Europeans—Greeks, Portuguese, Dutch, French, British not forgetting Arabs —had brought back from India through trade or conquest and how in so doing they had made known an ancient civilization and its manifestations.

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All things considered, Schlegel is relatively lenient on the British political administration and its role in opening up the country both physically, through topographical survey and description, and culturally. His own brother Carl Schlegel had after all had his brief part in this process. Despite all the necessary deference, Schlegel was able to drop his guard with Humboldt and postulate, Romantic-style, a primeval language in deep time, a primordial event akin to the moment of creation itself, when language came into being in all of its original forms.

Human amnesia, neglect, confusion, had led to the loss of originary form and expression; but Sanskrit was the language least affected by these abrading processes. Title page issued in As is so often the case with Schlegel, it is difficult to pin down its significance to one single factor.

First and foremost, however, it was the only journal that he edited on his own. Then again conflicting priorities, as so often with him, became evident. It did sell copies, but it really was little more than an occasional miscellany. It could not escape the influence of the Asiatick Researches , published in Calcutta, nor could it shake off entirely the extreme eclecticism of those periodicals.

It was also a one-man band, or almost, with Schlegel as editor-in-chief and main contributor. By then oriental studies would stand on a much more secure footing than they did in , but even so there was no question of a journal devoted to India only. Schlegel did actually want to reach a wider educated audience, but then again he became increasingly disdainful of such a body, writing to Wilhelm von Humboldt that the Indische Bibliothek was not intended for entertainment.

German, French and Latin were taken for granted, indeed the Indische Bibliothek was living proof, if any was needed, that German was a language of international academic and scholarly discourse and that one required it for the full spectrum of oriental studies. It did no harm to remind Hardenberg in dedication and preface that the generosity of the Prussian state was not going to be expended on half measures.

And so it was in these pages that Schlegel set out his knowledge of India, his aims, his principles, his disagreements with other Sanskritists; it was as near as he ever got to enunciating in public his most cherished views on India, the history of Sanskrit studies and their challenges as in that statement of intent originally written for an academic audience in Bonn , or an account of Sanskrit poetry with some samples. It had slightly eighteenth-century echoes, of Eschenburg perhaps, of endeavours far back in the s, pioneering in their time, a connection with an older antiquarianism now of course overtaken by new academic scholarship.

By , however, when Schlegel reissued the first volume, he had largely abandoned any concessions. Hereafter a knowledge of Sanskrit became increasingly desirable. This was not Brahmanic calm, as Schlegel understood it, but part of a general fractiousness in public discourse into which Schlegel allowed himself to be drawn in these Bonn years. The first numbers of the Indische Bibliothek , reissued as one volume in , were generally informative and civilized.

There was the extraordinary essay on the elephant. We go from Ophir to Alexander, to Hannibal—and then to India. Start with its animal depictions, he says, and you will find your way into these otherwise alien art forms. One finds Schlegel in the Indische Bibliothek returning quite openly to what, for want of a better name, one could call Romantic preoccupations: mythology and translation. His conspectus of Indian poetry is nothing less than a call for a return to origins, to the oldest texts as he saw them , to deepest time, to the common source of mythology and poetry, to that moment when they were one and the same; where, with all peoples and all religions of all ages and climes, nature was mirrored in the human spirit, expressing basic human needs, intimations and strivings.

Did the twelfth-century Annolied , a preoccupation of his last years in Coppet, contain a reference to Germanic settlement in the Caucasus? There are too many linguistic echoes of Christian mythology Klopstock again. Clearly he could still write hexameters, but enough was enough. Perhaps Friedrich Schlegel had had the right idea back in , with his less metrically severe versions, or Friedrich Windischmann in Humboldt, even as Schlegel was embarking on his Shakespeare, had always been sceptical on the subject.

Schlegel writes:. I could now say that after all these labours I have come to the conviction that translation is, though freely chosen, nevertheless a laborious bondage, an art without sustenance, a thankless craft; thankless, not just because the best translation is never esteemed as equal to an original, but also because the translator, the more he gains insight, must feel even more the inevitable imperfection of his work.

But I will rather emphasise the other side. The true translator, one could state boldly, who is able to render not just the content of a masterpiece, but also to preserve its noble form, its peculiar idiom, is a herald of genius who, over and beyond the narrow confines set by the separation of language, spreads abroad its fame and broadcasts its high gifts.

He is a messenger from nation to nation, who mediates mutual respect and admiration, where otherwise all is indifference or even enmity. Their spirit could also be applied to the Sanskrit editions, although the letter—in Latin—was different. For by the time Schlegel was next to dilate on the subject of translation—in his published letter to Sir James Mackintosh of —he had an axe to grind and ventured into controversial territory.

He had not been pleased with the policy of the Oriental Translation Committee of the Royal Asiatic Society, indeed riled at the centrality of Persian and Arabic texts, not Sanskrit, in their prospectus. With Sanskrit texts, it was different. It was essentially a statement of what he had been doing since The British would need to set up Sanskrit studies on a footing commensurate with their European counterparts.

And this was to be but one controversy among several. Paris was the only place in Europe that possessed the necessary technology. There were copies of the Indische Bibliothek to give away. He entrusted these to the engraver Vibert at the Didot printers, who cut them and had them cast by the Lion letter-foundry. It was this press which Schlegel later had installed in the rear part of his house, when he and Lassen oversaw the devanagari sections of his editions and the Indische Bibliothek.

Having footed the bill, the Prussian authorities also wanted the press to be available to Bopp in Berlin: Schlegel could only acquiesce, however unwillingly. It gave him greater satisfaction when the French asked permission to use it. It was to involve both Schlegel and Lassen in more than they bargained for. The presentation copies of the Indische Bibliothek listed on their title page all of his decorations and memberships of learned societies. If most of these were in respect of an earlier existence, surely nobody noticed.

There had not been time to add the honorary membership of the Asiatic Society in Calcutta; the Prussian Red Eagle would not follow until Nevertheless he was feted and fussed over more than ever in his career. Davy and Johnston received Auguste von Buttlar and doubtless helped her to gain portrait commissions among the high aristocracy: there was a portrait of a Brougham child; the duchesses of Kent and Clarence asked to see her prices.

Of the second generation of high officials in the East India Company although his father, chairman of the company, had fallen spectacularly from grace , Colebrooke was on his retirement from India in a judge and member of the Supreme Council in Calcutta, a trustee of the Fort William College as well as professor of Hindu law there, and the President of the Asiatic Society in Calcutta. He was the author of a Sanskrit grammar, based on indigenous systems , had edited a Sanskrit dictionary , written numerous papers on astronomy, inscriptions, prosody, geography including the headwaters of the Ganges , and had translated source works on the law of inheritance.

In he had returned to London with his young family, including John Colebrooke, the Anglo-Indian son whom he had fathered and who with Patrick Johnston was to live with Schlegel in He was however a collector. His decision in to donate his amassed 2, volumes of Indian manuscripts to the East India Company Library made London overnight a centre of Sanskrit studies to throw into the shade Paris, which hitherto had the most extensive holdings.

It worked, and there ensued a correspondence in which Schlegel reported on the progress of his typographical and textual undertakings and made specific enquiries, while Colebrooke informed him on the London holdings and on the availability of manuscripts for purchase. It was Colebrooke, who on 1 August, , informed Schlegel that he had been elected an honorary member of the Asiatic Society of Calcutta. Restricting himself to what he actually saw, Schlegel claimed that scholarship was restricted to Oxford and Cambridge he did not know Scotland: Mackintosh had studied at Aberdeen and Edinburgh ; University College in London, in whose founding Mackintosh was closely involved, was not yet in being it would soon be teaching both German and Sanskrit.

The two ancient universities were in the s unreformed, at ease with themselves, unresponsive to outward stimuli. True, one knew Latin and Greek there, but there was no real theology, philosophy or history to enhance the linguistic knowledge. A germanophile wave was about to break over Cambridge, but not yet: the polymath William Whewell, whom Schlegel met and with whom he vied in omniscience, was to be an early representative. Despite meeting the bookseller Bohte, Schlegel seemed unaware of the extent of translation activity from German into English.

Of course, England had Colebrooke, it had Wilkins, it had Haughton; between them these men covered astronomy, epic literature, and language. German scholarship had but to avail itself of the resources of Paris and London. As he was to say in another context, the ideal combination would be English money and German scholarly expertise.

Indeed when in Colebrooke made the unusual suggestion that his son John go to Bonn to have his schooling placed on a firmer footing, it was a request that Schlegel did not feel in a position to refuse. Nor, one feels, would he have wished to do so, even when Sir Alexander Johnston asked if his son Patrick might join John Colebrooke. It was something that his contemporaries either did not notice or chose to overlook: the kindness extended to the young student Heinrich Heine is part of it. The first beneficiary was his niece Auguste von Buttlar, not as young as the boys, indeed already married.

The only child of Ludwig Emanuel and Charlotte Ernst in Dresden, she was embarking on an artistic career, no easy task for a woman without patronage. Her cousins by marriage, the Veit brothers, by contrast, had been to the Dresden academy and had their careers watched over assiduously by Friedrich and Dorothea Schlegel. The Schlegel family was in agreement that it disliked her husband, a former officer in Russian service; her uncles Friedrich and August Wihelm had genuine affection for her. It was of course useful to have an uncle who was also an art connoisseur and a critic.

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None of her society portraits is traceable today, but we do have a fine pencil drawing of her uncle Friedrich Schlegel, the last image of him made before his death. In , she and her husband converted to Catholicism. She had waited until the deaths of her parents, both staunchly Protestant, also knowing that they would have disinherited her had she taken such a step in their lifetime. Her uncle, too, had proprietary claims, writing to her in pained anger:.

How gladly would I have been a father to you, dear niece, but you have placed yourself beyond my reach, have turned against me. If you can turn again, to join the sacred memory of your parents, of your venerable grandfather, and so many other forebears, I will receive you and your children with open arms. One must conclude that his anti-Catholic stance was not without its element of ancestor-worship, with him as the guardian of the family flame. It was part of his growing detestation of converts and clericalism in general. She later deposited his collection of Indian miniature paintings in the Dresden gallery, the only art works from his house in Bonn that are readily identifiable today.

His uncle could do nothing for him at this stage; later, when old and infirm, he had to accept responsibility for his nephew, who was by then mentally ill. This too was not to be free of sorrow, but in the short term all went well. John Colebrooke and Patrick Johnston were in a sense living links with India and its high administration John of mixed parentage. Henry Colebrooke and Schlegel shared similarly stringent educational principles: mathematics and Latin as the base, with the full range of subjects offered by the German Gymnasium.

The unreformed, pre-Arnoldian English public school—John had been at Charterhouse and Patrick at Eton—was in every respect deficient.

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German pedagogy would make up for English laxities. Needless to say it required of Schlegel time and energy, in the year that he was also rector of the university. Christian Lassen, whom Schlegel had left in London to work on the manuscripts in East India House, had to interrupt his researches to bring the boys over. They meant extra work for his housekeeper Marie. Their social attainments were not overlooked: there were fencing and dancing lessons; a touch of Pestalozzi saw them learning to ride and swim.

Schlegel was able to observe what the German school system could do for two English boys of the right aptitude, background—and means. They had arrived shy and retiring no wonder and had become outgoing, healthy, scholastically inclined even. On 13 May, , letters arrived from Colebrooke and Johnston recalling both boys with immediate effect.

No reason was given for the termination, except that Patrick was to take the examinations for Haileybury, the East India Company college, John to study at a Scottish university. Poor John Colebrooke had only a year to live. Late in he was found dead in a Paris hotel. He had taken cyanide. Still young and inexperienced, he had contracted debts and in his own eyes had compromised and disgraced the family.

Now John Colebrooke was gone.

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He would not lose Christian Lassen. Back in Bonn he would be helping with the devanagari press, and his presence was required at table with the young Englishmen. He could not move in the same circles as Schlegel in London and was living with the German bookseller Bohte. Missives went off at any sign of seeming unpunctuality.

While Lassen duly completed his doctorate and fulfilled all the remaining plans of his fatherly mentor, including a chair in , he also developed enough independence of mind and resilience: his first piece of important scholarship was completed with Burnouf in Paris.

When not doing this, or when not socially engaged, he was translating into French the lectures that he hoped to deliver in London. Above all, he renewed his links with the Broglie family: the children, Albert and Pauline, were growing up, and he showed an interest in their education. He took a particular shine to Albert, even going to the theatre with him to see the latest play by Victor Hugo. If Henry Colebrooke was too indisposed to see him, at least Sir James Mackintosh had him to breakfast; he met Charles Wilkins; Colonel Tod was absent, but he saw his collection of coins the Bactrian Greek ones that so interested him ; Sir Alexander Johnston entertained him at the Asiatic Society Club.

It was fine to be invited to the general meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society, but less agreeable to find that library opening hours were not as generous as in Bonn or Paris : he could not pull rank with professorial privilege. Having been treated with due courtesy by German publishers, he found himself let down by none other than John Murray in London. His Vienna Lectures, as translated by John Black, were out of his hands and brought in no payment, but Murray had published his last political pamphlet in The lectures were to be framed in the form of a letter to Sir James Mackintosh, in which he set out his criteria and principles for the study of Sanskrit.

Murray blew hot and cold, until the idea of public lectures and their publication was quietly dropped. His lectures would have to be dressed up differently if he were to compete with the former successes of Humphry Davy or Coleridge—or even his own minor triumph in Berlin. Another source of displeasure had been the filling of the Oxford chair of Sanskrit, the newly created Boden professorship.

Schlegel would really have preferred Graves Chamney Haughton, but he withdrew in favour of H. This caused Schlegel to mount a very high horse indeed, in his general and specific—and public—attack on English academic Sanskrit as practised at the University of Oxford. The tone was unfortunate. Schlegel overreacted: there was no restraining hand to tell him to play it all down.

Whatever, there is an abrasiveness of tone paralleled by the satirical verse that he had been writing at the time, none of it good and none of it worthy of him or his intended victims. When he spoke of Sanskrit, these were the authorities to which he need point. Title page. These volumes, and the Indische Bibliothek , were what he presented to sovereigns and patrons, the evidence that here was no dilettante, here were no half-measures, but a serious scholar following the most stringent of editorial principles. For those who knew Sanskrit, there was the text, established from all the manuscripts known to exist at the time and available for Schlegel to consult.

For the Latinate—and who of his readers was not? Sanskrit text, translation and notes together established an authority of textual reading and interpretation. It would of course be unfair to impute this to Schlegel or reduce his labours to this one aspect only although his correspondence with Humboldt does circle mainly around language. Wolf is the authority cited. Ein Bonner Leben Bonn: Bouvier, Entertainingly written, it nevertheless needs to be taken with very considerable care.

Briefe aus dem Schlegelkreis , ed. Briefe von und an August Wilhelm Schlegel , ed. Whom do we believe? Briefe, II, f. Uebersetzt von A. Sauer, A. Par A. See S. This has been supplied by Chetana Nagavajara. My remarks are very much indebted to his study. Christian A. Ernst Behler et al. Von Goethe , 6 vols Stuttgart: Cotta, , I, ii, [5] Das Leben als Schreiben Munich: Hanser, , Historisch-kritische Ausgabe hg. Weitz, 4 vols plus index Darmstadt: Roether, , I, , Bonn UB, Lambertz , Sophie von Schlegel to Carl Winter 26 January, Oppeln-Bronikowski, David Ferdinand Koreff. Serapionsbruder, Magnetiseur, Geheimrat und Dichter.

Der Lebensroman eines Vergessenen Berlin: Paetel, , Geburtstag , 2 vols Wiesbaden: Steiner, , II, , ref. SW, I, AWS and Welcker had recommended the purchase in December, Renger , The items were later destroyed. Calder III et al. There is a condensed version in Latin in the oration for Friedrich Windischmann, Opuscula , Serie, Halle: Erhardt Karras, , Par M.

Krisenjahre , II, His name is later simply dropped. Briefe , I, Opuscula , Historisch-kritische Ausgabe , ed. Opuscula , ; SW, II, 41f. Poetical Works , I, ii, ed.

Richard Holmes, The Age of Wonder. On fresco technique, Latin description, Opuscula , f. Jahrhundert Bonn: Stollfuss, , 28f. The frescoes were destroyed in the air raid on Bonn of 18 October, See also Jahrbuch , Albert Leitzmann Halle: Niemeyer, , Indische Bibliothek , II, Leitzmann, Schlegel, Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache und Poesie. Jahrhunderts, Berlin: Behr, , with additions in Fiedler, A. XXX now only partially decipherable. The lectures on the fine arts given in Bonn, while covering similar ground, are textually different from those given in in Berlin in Oeuvres , III, They were not.

Kirfel [Kirfel] Bonn: Cohen, Schlegel is a visionary and a Platonist, who really believes that the external universe is only a shadow or reflexion of the inward principle of mind. Ernst Behler assist. His Indische Bibliothek also quotes Alexander von Humboldt. I, i, Walker, The Ancient Theology.

Bernd Witte et al. Zahme Xenien , II. Ernst Beutler, 3rd edn, 27 vols Zurich: Artemis, [] , I, Berliner Kalender auf das Gemein-Jahr , Horace, Epistles, 2, I, Ralf Klausnitzer, intr. Geburtstag Frankfurt am Main etc. Eine Abhandlung zur Alterthumskunde Berlin: Reimer, Antwort an Herrn Prof.

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