Format Paperback. Available from these stores Don't see your favourite store? Related Books. Mbogoni Mkuki na Nyota Publishers , Tanzania. Chakanza Kachere Series , Malawi. Naming the Land by Julie J. Taylor Basler Afrika Bibliographien , Namibia. Nso and Its Neighbours edited by B. Whether the Pakistani army is guilty or not of genocide against Bengalis remains unclear. Although Bengali civilians were straightforwardly and indiscriminately targeted, the basic aim did not seem to be their total eradication from East Pakistan. Pirzada, Maj Gen. Umar, and Lt. Mitha, while the immediate responsibility for executing the plan fell on Lt.
The Pakistani army is accused:. Besides the Pakistani army, other actors have also perpetrated various atrocities and killings, especially the Awami League-backed Bengali liberation army, the Mukhti Bahini , which targeted pro-Pakistan elements such as West Pakistanis, Biharis and also pro-Pakistan Bengalis.
Two days later, students of Dhaka University held a protest meeting and demanded the resignation of Prime Minister Nazimuddin who, despite his own Bengali origin, refused to support the demand for Bengali as the second national language along with Urdu, and the State language of East Pakistan. As a consequence, Dhaka was rocked with strikes, demonstrations and ultimately police-firings. The committee announced a general demonstration to be staged on the February 21 and called for a complete hartal general strike.
This happened despite the official ban on meetings and demonstrations in Dhaka, promulgated by the Government of Pakistan under section of the Code of Criminal Procedure. Police intervened by using teargas and demonstrators answered by brickbats. At 4 pm, as the whole campus was a battleground between the police and the students, the police fired at the crowd killing four students.
The day after, the streets of Dhaka were full of demonstrators. But on February 24, the army was given full authority to restore law and order and arrested nearly all the students and the political leaders Rahman, ; Sen Gupta, Bengalis went to the streets in protest processions. During this period, the Awami League managed to marginalize the authority of the federal government and to seize control throughout East Pakistan.
Its followers indulged in large scale massacres and rape against pro-Pakistani civilian elements, mostly west Pakistanis and Biharis but also Bengalis who supported West Pakistan, in the towns of Dhaka, Narayanganj, Chittagong, Chandragona, Rungamati, Khulna, Dinajpur, Dhakargaoa, etc. Hamoodur Rahman Report, The army answered by force and several clashes between soldiers and unarmed demonstrators occurred in Dhaka, Khulna, Jessore, resulting in approximately persons killed. Until that date, some attacks were done by Bengalis mobs on non-Bengalis civilians and commercial properties, and a large-scale riot occurred in Chittagong on March 4.
Bengali demonstrators passed through Urdu-speaking Muslim Bihari areas in order to force them to keep to the hartal but were fired at by Biharis. Subsequently, a riot started in which around persons were killed on both sides and around Biharis houses were burnt. According to various estimates, between , and , persons were killed during this period by Awami League militants Aziz, Even though talks between General Yahya Khan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman took place between March 4 and 24, their failure to find a compromise and the subsequent breakdown of the talks resulted in a breakdown of law and order.
On the one hand, General Yahya Khan decided to reassert his authority by resorting to coercion while on the other hand, the Awami-backed liberation army, the Mukti Bahini , was prepared to launch an armed insurrection to sustain their claim of independence in accordance with the principle of the right for self-determination. In spite of a truce between the two communities not to attack each other, two Bengali police officers would have first fired at the Biharis and then the Bengalis would have killed the fleeing Biharis, resulting in hundreds of Bihari men, women and children dead Horowitz, ; Bose, The armed forces were also joined by a razakar volunteer force of about 50, men divided into two groups, al-Shams and al-Badr.
The military repression was not only aimed at Bengali freedom fighters but also directed against the unarmed civilian population. The crackdown started in Dhaka during the night of March 25 to 26, when around 7, people died according to Dr.
Mohammad Omar Farooq. According to Mascarenhas, around 8, men, women and children were killed in this area, a figure denied by Bose Mascarenhas, ; Bose, Within a week, as much as 30, people were said to have been killed Payne, By April, the Pakistani army regained control of all the major cities of East Pakistan. The army adopted a Collective Punitive Reprisal Program when the Bengalis began their work of sabotage and harassment of the military.
Whenever sabotage occurred, the army sent soldiers into the area where it happened with orders to slaughter all the civilians and burn all the villages in reprisal, though the insurgents had already left.
Besides the two massacres in Old Dhaka and Dhaka University previously documented in which Hindus were targeted, the harassment and killing of Hindus went on during the following months. In April, the army began to systematically persecute the Hindus considered as spies and traitors.
The aim of the Pakistani government seemed to be the eradication of the presence of the eight to eleven million of Hindus, either by killing them or driving them out of the country. The army deliberately looted and burned thousands of Hindu villages, killing any one of them they encountered, whether men, women or children. Not only the army but also in some areas the Bengali Muslims participated in the persecution of Bengali Hindus out of hatred and greed. Military training camps were set up on the Indian side for the Mukti Bahini fighters. Yet, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi only decided to intervene directly and declared war on Pakistan on the night of November 20 to Justifying her move by the constant afflux of Bengali refugees in India and the resulting troubles, it is clear that she also seized this opportunity to dismember Pakistan.
In less than one month, the Indian army managed to out power its Pakistani rival, which accepted a unilateral cease-fire on December 17, when General Niazi surrendered along with 93, Pakistani soldiers. Thanks to the military intervention of India, East Pakistan finally acceded to independence. At the final stage of the war, when it was clear the Indian army was about to win, the Pakistani army and its loyalist Bengali armed groups, such as Al Badr , systematically targeted Bengali professionals and intellectuals.
Most of them were subjected to enforced disappearance and many bodies were found at a brick kiln at Rayerbazar in Dhaka. Violence was not completely over after the departure of the Indian Army from Bangladesh in early , as the slaughter of non-Bengali Urdu-speaking Muslim Biharis and loyalists Bengalis continued unabated forcing most of them to leave the country and to flee to Pakistan.
Under British rule, only a small part of Baluchistan was directly and centrally administrated by the British Raj, the rest being divided between princely States such as Kalat, Kharam, Las Bela and the Makran coastal areas, and un-administrated tribal areas. Besides, the insurgency and before a full-scale civil war took place in Baluchistan between and , two other low-intensity insurgencies occurred in and In October , the Pakistan army moved against the insurgents and arrested Khan.
This operation generated violence throughout the province as Nauroz Khan organized a guerrilla movement that died out when he was arrested. In July , five of his men were hanged on charge of treason Harrison, ; Grare, 7. In , a new guerrilla movement, led by Sher Mohammad Marri, started because of the building of new garrisons in the province by the Pakistan army. According to independent sources, around people, including military officers, died during this insurgency HRCP, Economic grievances played also an important role as the natural resources of the province, especially gas and coal, were directly exploited by the center without any redistribution of the wealth created.
The grassroots reasons for the reappraisal of insurgency since are, more or less the same: the lack of democracy in the province and the country, the exploitation of natural resources, the launching of development projects, such as the Gwadar port, controlled by the Pakistani government and the overwhelming presence of security forces which is considered as a threat by Baluchis Grare, In , Baluchistan was finally granted a full provincial status.
The same year, general elections were organized. Following the arbitrary and unconstitutional dismissal of the provincial government by Prime Minister Bhutto in , an armed insurgency spread all over the province for four years. It was finally violently suppressed by the Pakistani army through excessive and indiscriminate use of lethal force resulting in many civilian deaths. Thirty years later, a situation of quasi civil war developedagain.
The situation worsened by but large scale violence erupted only by the beginning of The violence spread throughout the province but tended to be concentrated in Dera Bugti and Kohlu districts. The BLA remains the major threat in the province. Operating with a loose structure and small autonomous cells, the BLA is able to carry out acts on their own without directive from abroad.
Many of its militants acquired expertise in arms, explosive and ammunitions while living abroad, mostly in the Gulf. They were also joined by armed Marri Baluch tribesmen, who had previously been in exile in Afghanistan. In alone, there were bomb blasts killing 34 civilians, 2, rockets fired killing 32 civilians, and landmine blasts killing 81 civilians HRCP, Since then, the province has experienced a situation of quasi-civil war though the federal government denies it. Their reports highly documented the bombardment of civilian settlements and the killing of women and children among the victims, summary executions, disappearances and torture by the armed and paramilitary forces.
Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, soon after the passing of the Constitution, dissolved the NAP government on the false ground that Baloch leaders were trying to undermine the State. As a result, a large numbers of Marri tribesmen and Baluch students launched an insurgency movement by attacking the government and targeting the Pakistani and American oil companies.
These movements were supported, in the political realm, by the leftist Baluch Student Organization BSO , one of the most important recruiting grounds for Baluch nationalist parties. When the NAP was banned in , its radical Baluch elements joined the Marri and Mengal tribes raising the militant struggle to real guerrilla warfare throughout Baluchistan.
Thematic Chronology of Mass Violence in Pakistan, 1947-2007
The Pakistan army responded by sending more than soldiers and helicopter gun ships provided by Iran ICG, 6. The insurgency was finally put to an end in More than 5, insurgents and 3, army men lost their lives Harrison, 36, ; Grare, 3. Not only militants and soldiers died but also hundreds of civilians, including women and children. Following the rape, Bugti tribesmen and Baluch militants led by Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti launched attacks on the Sui Gas installation, electricity towers and railway tracks.
Considerable damage to property resulted. The security agencies answered by force and killed civilians in Dera Bugti district as they were subjected to indiscriminate bombing. At least 22 persons, mostly women and children, were killed in bombing and firing in the Marri area of Jabbar and Pekal. It then degenerated in violent protests and strikes throughout the province of Baluchistan.
The Sindh province was not immune to ethnonationalist demands. However, it was ethnic conflict between the various communities living in the province that occupied the center stage since Independence. Moreover, the population of Karachi rose from around , in to approximately 15 million today. Between and , ethnic conflict alone caused just in Karachi deaths, and peaked in when were killed Samad, They were approximately , in Boivin, Most of them settled in the urban centers of Sindh, especially Karachi and Hyderabad.
Among the Muhajirs are also today included a people called Biharis — Urdu-speaking Muslim migrants who migrated to East Pakistan from Bihar at the time of Partition but then fled East Pakistan to West Pakistan due to their targeting by the Mukti Bahini during the civil war in Muhajirs gradually outnumbered Sindhis in urban Sindh.
From the concept of ‘subject’ to the concepts of subjectivization and de-subjectivization
The Muhajirs were also strongly represented in the civil bureaucracy. Further resentment was caused by the imposition of Urdu as the only national language and the One Unit Plan Then, by the end of the fifties, domestic economic migrants from Punjab began to migrate to Karachi. They were later joined by fellow Afghan refugees leaving Afghanistan due to the Soviet invasion in Economic competition in Sindh urban centers propelled a four-sided ethnic violence between the local Sindhis and the migrant Muhajirs and between the declining Muhajirs and the rising Pathans with the State having the role of an additional player.
The overall situation was so tense and volatile in Karachi at that time that such minor events as road accidents, electricity breakdown or water shortage could, if successfully manipulated by ethnic entrepreneurs, trigger large-scale ethnic riots. Besides, the crisis of the Pakistani State power and its related failure to provide security to its citizens contributed to the propagation of violence Hussain, The initial tensions between Muhajirs and Sindhis crystallized over the question of language.
By the end of , some tensions arose about the quota system that had been in effect for government employment and admission to educational institutions since Then, the syndicate of the University of Sindh, in August , followed in December by the Board of Intermediate and Secondary Education in Hyderabad and supported by leading Sindhi intellectuals, decided to make Sindhi the official language of the province, hence triggering language-related riots between Sindhis and Urdu-speaking Muhajirs in and By the middle of the eighties, the Muhajir community was losing ground to other ethnic groups in the province, hence experience a feeling of relative economic deprivation and social frustration.
The MQM initiated a process of ethnicization of the Muhajir community which it presented as the fifth nationality of Pakistan and for who it demanded a special minority status. The MQM increasingly resorted to street-gang methods in order to control the cities of Karachi and Hyderabad. As a result, the Sindhis started to fear the dismantlement of their province.
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Then, by , the violent encounters shifted from Pathans and Muhajirs to Muhajirs and Sindhis, as it was already the case in the language riots of and but on more general grounds and more violently. From the end of to the end of , several riots occurred between the two communities in Karachi and Hyderabad. Then, in January , the Muhajirs, organized by Nawab Muzaffar, launched anti-Sindhis processions, to which Sindhis answered alike. The law and order situation degenerated and clashes occurred in Hyderabad, Mirpus Khas, and Larkana.
By the end of the month, disturbances spread to Karachi up to the north of the province. For the first time, Muhajirs started to raise the demand for Karachi as a separate province Rahman, The Sindh teaching, promotion, and use of Sindhi language Bill of was submitted to the Legislative Assembly on July 3. The Muhajirs feared that if Urdu was not introduced as an official language of the province along with Sindhi, they would suffer discrimination. On July 7, Urdu-speakers began to mobilize themselves against Sindhis.
In parts of Karachi, people were attacked and molested. The day after, large-scale language-related riots broke out in Karachi and Hyderabad, where curfew was subsequently declared. The attacks were mixed as the targets were both anti-police and anti-Sindhi Horowitz, Law and order were restored on July 16 through a compromise solution stating that both Sindhi and Urdu were to be the official languages of the province Rahman, ; Ahmar, Qadir Magsi and Janu Arain, fired indiscriminately at people in the streets making approximately casualties Tambiah, ; Ahmar, , mostly Muhajirs, in South Hyderabad.
On October 1, when the news of the gunshot in Hyderabad reached Karachi, crowds of Muhajirs went into the streets and retaliated by burning cars and houses, looting shops and killing people, hence increasing the death toll by deaths, mostly Sindhis Tambiah, By October , the Accord had failed and new rounds of violence made at least 81 casualties Tambiah, As the demonstrators refused to hold on, the police forces opened fire at the procession resulting in the death of more than 45 Muhajirs and wounded, including women and children Kennedy, The local police forces mostly composed of Sindhis and Pathans bear most of the responsibility for these killings Tambiah, Violence continued unabated for ten days in Hyderabad and six days in Karachi.
It is only the intervention of the army that managed to bring back law and order in the province. At their arrival, most Pathans occupied small jobs but they gradually managed to control the transport business and the building trade. Since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, some Afghan refugees also became involved in the arm and drug traffic.
Karachi being the biggest port in the country, it was an important transit place for arms and drugs. The connections between political parties, ethnic groups, religious organizations and criminal gang contributed to establish a tense and volatile situation in Karachi. In this context, the economic competition between Pathans and Muhajirs frequently degenerated into ethnic riots. Ethnic violence climaxed between Pathans and Muhajirs in and The just born MQM gained wide momentum thanks to the outbreak of those ethnic clashes.
Just after the accident, female students gathered and took the streets in protestation. As they were charged by police forces, some young male students intervened and were fired down by the police, causing at least ten deaths Tambiah, The same day, buses and other vehicles were burnt by angry crowds in the streets. Pathans were targeted as they detain a quasi monopole on the transport business. The following day, Pathan transporters retaliated by burning houses and police vehicles.
The violence spread from Nazimabad to Orangi and Liaquatabad and to a lesser extent to the rest of the city. A mob of Pathans attacked Biharis and burnt shops in Orangi Township, a mixed area where Pathans and Biharis are majority. The conflict between Pathans and Biharis then became a large-scale ethnic conflict between Pathans and Muhajirs as the latter took side with their fellow Urdu-speaking Biharis.
The army had to intervene in order to restore law and order. According to the official estimates, the death toll approximated 50 whereas by unofficial estimates it was closer to Tambiah, ; Gayer, 8. This incident was then successfully instrumentalized by the recently created Muhajir Qaumi Movement MQM , which launched an anti-Pathan campaign. Then, a bus full of Muhajirs on the way to a political procession in Hyderabad and organized by the MQM passed through Sohrab Goth, a locality at the margins of Karachi, predominantly populated by Pathans from NWFP and Afghan refugees and infamously known as one of the main places for drug dealing in Karachi.
The passengers were fired at by Pathans resulted in six deaths Duncan, Finally, violence spread in Karachi and Hyderabad making around 40 dead during the next five days Duncan, On December 12, army trucks surrounded the area and bulldozers destroyed houses in order to remove the residents and stop arm and drug dealing. Just before this operation, the police entered Orangi township, a predominantly Muhajir area, and seized arms and bombs.
In other words, due to heat and humidity, cultural confusion, and lack of distractions, white men succumbed to the temptation of having sex with local women. These habits developed in the colonies were maintained and adapted in the era of humanitarian aid. In , a guide for humanitarian workers written by the United Nations Agency for Refugees United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or UNHCR recognized the involvement of international humanitarian workers in cases of sexual violence against refugee populations and noted that in many cases, sexual services had been required in exchange for assistance, food, or attribution of refugee status.
In , a report by the United Nations Office of Internal Oversight Services acknowledged the existence of a large-scale problem of sexual exploitation in West Africa, defined in the report as a situation in which an employee of an NGO or international humanitarian aid organization in a position of power uses this power to demand sexual services in exchange for goods, food, or services that refugees would otherwise have the right to receive free of charge.
How can we fathom that exploitation of and violence toward women, including minors, can exist in parallel with humanitarian aid? This aid is deployed with major logistical assistance from organizations that—theoretically—hold universal human rights values at their core. Entities such as Oxfam and the UNHCR develop processes for reflecting on the ethics of intervention, the results of which are published year after year in guides and detailed reports Rowlands, For instance, Oxfam has published 1, documents on the question of gender, on issues of governance and citizenship, on human rights, and on inequalities.
This plethora of publications helps to reinforce the impression of both the general public and accreditation bodies that these organizations are in complete control of the ethical process involved in their interactions with vulnerable populations. One can assume that such trust tends to reduce the level of vigilance that might otherwise make it possible to detect certain abusive and exploitative behaviours more quickly and effectively.
Mechanisms for detecting and controlling sexual exploitation can be effective only with the full cooperation of international NGOs, which are mandated by privileged populations to provide aid to vulnerable ones. The former are responsible for ensuring that this mandate is respected on behalf of the latter. Therefore, they must receive the necessary information, and the external oversight mechanisms must function properly, so that results of internal inquiries are not quashed, as they were by Oxfam in Haiti.
It is important for the media to ensure that NGOs are held responsible for their actions in their different missions in the field, within the legislative frameworks that vary from country to country. In the early s, when the United States invaded Iraq, there was strong criticism of the practice of embedding journalists: because they were travelling with American troops, they were able to see only one aspect of the conflict and were totally dependent on the military for all aspects of daily life transportation, provision of food and lodging, access to communications technologies.
This proximity and dependence raised the fear that a sense of complicity would develop between soldiers and journalists and that the latter would be less rigorous in their reporting of the actions of the former. Similar questions should be asked about the relations between the media and international NGOs. In contexts in which the rape of women is used as a weapon of war to terrorize and control populations, arriving in refugee camps should mean, for persecuted populations and for women in particular, the end of exploitation and the beginning of a return to a situation in which their physical and mental integrity is no longer threatened.
The presence of humanitarian aid organizations in areas that have become lawless zones sometimes offers local populations their only hope for improving their living conditions, or even for survival. It is clear that this state of affairs places humanitarian workers in a position of power over disadvantaged populations. Abuses of power are so frequent that simply sanctioning the offending humanitarian workers is obviously not enough.
The problem lies upstream, in the governance structures of these NGOs. This will enable international NGOs to consistently apply their values of respect, equity, and equality in their field missions, and to ensure that the trajectory of the aid provided does not lead to more violence. Originally published as Surveiller et punir: naissance de la prison Paris: Gallimard, Khan, Mishal S. Meyer, Christoph O. Rowlands, Jo. In his films and video installations, he explores the roles of certain sites and spatial objects as mediators in the representation and comprehension of geopolitical events.
He envisages objects in the urban landscape as social, historical, and political indices. In his recent projects, he challenges the means used to observe and report on violent and traumatic events. Licha holds a doctorate in visual cultures from the Centre for Research Architecture at Goldsmiths, University of London. Other reports and studies on the subject were consulted, but few were as exhaustive, as frankly written or as resolutely feminist as Study on The United Nations Security Council convened a committee of experts to assess the related resolutions 15 years after the application of resolution The acknowledgement of failure is scathing and the recommendations, numerous.
By summarizing this study, I will attempt to retrace the steps of the resolutions that aimed to involve women in decisions regarding peace and conflict resolution, as well as in the fight against the rape of women and girls as a war weapon. While I agree with many of the observations and recommendations made by this important study and analysis commissioned by the Security Council, I would argue that it is the paradigm used by the United Nations in developing and implementing the resolutions that is flawed at its very root and will fail to foster the involvement of women in decision-making processes, the protection of women and girls against individual and collective rape, and conflict prevention.
With the adoption of resolution in , for the first time ever, the United Nations Security Council recognized that war and conflict impacted women and girls differently, and recognized the importance in joining forces with them at every stage of a conflict, as well as specifically targeting the sexual violence that often targets them. Prevention : preventing a resumption of conflict and all forms of structural or physical violence against women and girls. Participation : women taking part in the decision-making process at every stage of prevention, conflict management and resolution, within national, regional and international mechanisms.
Protection: the security, physical and mental integrity, and economic independence of women and girls, as well as the respect of their fundamental rights are guaranteed. Rescue operations and recovery efforts : the particular needs of women and girls being met during the rescue phase in refugee camps, for example and post-conflict recovery efforts, including transitional justice.
Its adoption was a historic step and a major victory after decades of activism that resulted in a revolutionary idea, an idea that became the standard around the world and the official policy of the highest authority charged with maintaining international peace and security. Many researchers Miller et al. The unanimously adopted Beijing Action Plan stipulated that states must systematically conduct gender mainstreaming before adopting laws or public policies in order to ensure equality between men and women, and that public funds serve the needs of women as well as men.
The feminists and pacifists who fought for the adoption of resolution were convinced that without the involvement of women and without taking into account the specific needs of women during conflicts, lasting peace was impossible. They truly believed that including women in every step of conflict resolution could make a difference for peace. This inquiry showed without a doubt that women make up a larger number of conflict victims because of the systemic sexual inequality already existing in the country or area at war.
This, in a nutshell is the context surrounding the adoption of this resolution and those that followed.
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The adoption of these six resolutions by the Security Council encouraged other multilateral organizations to pass similar resolutions, such as the European Union, the African Union, and NATO. Since resolution was adopted, there have been some promising results. Despite the hope raised by these resolutions, the chief author of Study on comes to the sad conclusion that there has been very little progress in terms of the protection of women and girls against violence, especially in regard to sexual violence, conflict prevention, and the participation of women in peace negotiations.
Women still face obstacles to engagement at all stages of the peace process. Sexual violence remains an all-too-common tactic of war and often continues well after the guns fall silent. Even after this clear-headed admission, the UN was unable to tackle obstacles to applying resolutions in order to help women become instruments of peace by acting as negotiators and mediators, ensuring sexual violence is condemned and punished and the specific needs of women and girls during and after conflicts is taken into account. Their reticence is justified by cultural arguments, concern that it would delay negotiations, and a preference for limiting women to the reconciliation phase, after the agreement has been concluded.
The diplomats involved in the international mediation team are all men over the age of The person delegation from three organizations taking part in talks and negotiations include only five women, and the number of women in the mediation teams is equally negligible.
In , the assessment of the protection of women and girls, their participation in security and peace processes, and conflict prevention is also negative. What are we afraid of? Being more efficient? But why does achieving these goals seem impossible, even utopian? Once the conflict is over, these crimes go unpunished. However, according to the author, the number one obstacle to the participation and protection of women is indisputably the militarization of conflicts.
The clear conclusion that came from consulting women around the world as part of the Global Study is that we must put an end to the current cycle of conflict militarization and the exorbitant military spending that goes with it, and that the international community and member states must only intervene militarily as a last resort.
Militarism takes forms other than merely traditional armed conflict. The UN tries to apply these resolutions without questioning the place of women in these societies and their gendered roles, or the minorization of women, which plays an important role in the violence they suffer. Also, waiting for the emergence of conflict to fight the patriarchy is completely pointless because conflict is fuelled by patriarchal power structures and ways of organizing society.
It is fruitless to hope to bring women to the table as decision makers when they are still considered minors in their own country. They are always the poorest, the least educated, and subject to a patriarchal system that imposes men as legal guardians and makes women beholden to older men: fathers, husbands, brothers or brothers-in-law. It is fundamental to recognize that the patriarchal structure, which still characterizes most of the world and particularly areas at war, is at the root of the impossibility of applying and deploying measures to implement resolution and the others that followed.
Moreover, the patriarchal model is evidenced in the militarization of conflicts.
The colossal sums invested to militarize conflicts and the minuscule amounts allotted by the United Nations to questions related to women and peace are also consequences of a traditional and outmoded approach that clearly does not yield results. The scarcity of funds for the WPC program is a reflection of the enormous lack of financing worldwide for gender equality.
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The UN and its members must face the facts. Fragile countries must be given priority in terms of receiving aid to fight the patriarchy, above all! When the approach involving gender equality is discarded, conflicts are militarized, as commanded by the patriarchal society, which decrees that women are inferior. It is clear that the gender-neutral approach leads to systematic militarization, which is as ineffective in creating lasting peace as it is in ensuring the participation and protection of women.
Few intellectual works about the genocide that decimated Rwanda in take a feminist approach to understanding the victimization of women in that context. Yet within the Tutsi genocide was a large-scale feminicide. Attacks against Tutsi women have a particular character, at the crossroads of gender, ethnicism and colonialism.
Highlighting the importance of understanding the power dynamics at work during violent episodes, this text uncovers a central cog in the genocidal machine dealing with the gendered construction of the enemy, as the female enemy appears different from the enemy plain and simple. One key to understanding these events can be found in the thinking that categorizes the genocide and sexual torture as a crazed and unpredictable outburst of violence.
The rationale that drives mass violence cannot be found in an individual or their character. Feminists have also exposed the limits of the war rape theory as a spontaneous or individual act, challenging the myth that invokes the overpowering instincts of men supposedly frustrated by war and its privations.
Neither genocide nor feminicide are uncontrollable calamities—they are entirely controlled situations, executed by order of political, military, or religious authorities. Considered as acts of genocide by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, sexual violence was an integral strategy and tactic deliberately employed in order to repress and destroy the enemy, both individually and collectively. To understand how these men, and sometimes even women, from Rwanda, a tiny culturally and linguistically homogenous country, came to commit such monstrous acts, it might be useful to examine the representations of Tutsi women, figures of the Other deemed responsible for political and economic problems.
The Rwandan state orchestrated a process of stigmatizing the Tutsi enemy, on the pretext of preventing them from re-establishing the monarchy overthrown during the Hutu Revolution of In the years leading up to the genocide, most of the Rwandan population had neither land nor employment, and made up a lumpenprol e tariat of delinquent, unemployed, and homeless people, who could not marry, nor achieve the same status that their parents enjoyed.
Beyond socioeconomic misery, many specialists explain the mass response to the calls for genocide by pointing to the exaggerated obedience of an illiterate population to authority and the intelligentsia. It asserts itself in stages, testing the reaction to violence. The weaker the reaction, the greater the impunity to go further and hit harder.
In the s, extremists set in motion a formidable propaganda machine to convince the Hutu population of the danger posed by the Tutsi. The media of hate galvanized the masses by evoking the coming genocide of Hutu, the majority group presented as victims of the minority Tutsi hegemony, referred to as serpents and i nyenzi cockroaches. Tutsi soldiers were also depicted with horns or a tail in popular illustrations. The study of the process of demonization and dehumanization shows that the ethnicist message was combined with misogynous representations to incite people to murder and rape Tutsi women.
Amplified by organs of hateful propaganda, such talk crystalized ethnic hate and hatred of women, a kind of Rwandan-style rape culture. Several months earlier in December , there was another caricature along the same lines in the extremist paper Power. It explicitly illustrates an orgiastic scene in which a United Nations soldier has his head between the legs of a naked woman who is fellating a second Blue Beret, who is guzzling milk squirted from the left breast of a second woman, also nude, while she is being straddled by a third UN soldier.
Like The Ten Commandments of the Bahutu , these defamatory caricatures disqualify Tutsi women by reducing them to their hyper sexuality and their legendary power of seduction. The woman-enemy can only be envisioned as participating in the political conflict as a prostitute or a spy in thrall to her hegemony-seeking brethren.
As the death count does not distinguish between the sexes, we may never know exact figures for the feminicide that took place in Rwanda. However, we do know that at least , women were victims of sexual violence during the three-month genocide. The goal of destroying a group or community includes the annihilation of their ability to procreate.