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You're using an out-of-date version of Internet Explorer. By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. Log In Sign Up. Unfollow Follow Unblock. Johannes Preiser-Kapeller, born Otto Kresten, Prof.

Publication Date: Save to Library. Beyond Rome and Charlemagne. The dissemination of religious ideas and the "reorientation" of networks and spatial ideas are considered more closely. Among other things, the focus is also on imperial ecologies and networks of commerce: goods, techniques, trade routes and urban dynamics.

Table of Contents Foreword Introduction: Emperors, Caliphs and Channels 1 World Rulers on recall: Rhythms of imperial formations, AD 2 The world as a polo field: the mediation of power and the mobility of elites 3 Holy men, women and countries: the spread of religious ideas and communities 4 Traders, artists, cooks, slaves. Mobility and Diaspora communities alongside the elites 5 The power of the silkworm and the mobility of non-human actors 6 World cities on recall. Climate change, imperial ecology and urban dynamics 7 Conclusion: beyond Rome and Charlemagne Maps Sources and literature.

View on youtube. The Patriarchate of Constantinople in Context and Comparison more. Proceedings of the International Proceedings of the International Conference Vienna, September 12th - 15th Vienna , pp. This volume about the history of the Ecumenical Patriarchate results from a congress, held in Vienna within the framework of research on the Register of the Patriarchate of Constantinople at the Division of Byzantine Research of the Austrian Academy of Sciences.

Chronologically, these papers cover the Byzantine period from the 11th century onwards. The majority of the collected studies concern a crucial source: the Register of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. Besides the Register, the evidence for the Patriarchate is confined to a small number of documents, synodical acts, and occasional references in narrative histories.

However, the present volume brings two new texts to light. The focus of this volume is on the organization and administration of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, as well as on new biographical details of individual patriarchs. It also includes contributions devoted to the continuity of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and its new tasks in the early post-Byzantine period.

Digital Humanities and Digital History. View on ceur-ws. Byzantium and the Rest of the World more. The special issue of the Journal "Historicum" was published parallel to the major exhibition "Byzantium and the Golden Orient" on the Schallaburg in Lower Austria in It contains contributions by Christian Gastgeber, Sebastian Popovic and Johannes Preiser-Kapeller on various aspects of the relations between the Byzantine Empire and neighbouring polities and cultures from the 4th to the 15th century.

The concept of complex systems allows for a better understanding of the interplay between social and environmental factors for the emergence and maintenance of maritime infrastructure and route systems in the ancient and medieval period The concept of complex systems allows for a better understanding of the interplay between social and environmental factors for the emergence and maintenance of maritime infrastructure and route systems in the ancient and medieval period.

Complexity theory and network analysis provide a analytical framework to describe social configurations cities, maritime communities, polities and environmental phenomena hydrosphere, climate as complex systems, entangled via mechanisms of feedbacks, adaptation or disruption. ISBN View on shop. Johannes Preiser-Kapeller — Falko Daim eds. The volume is devoted to the conceptualisation and analysis of maritime history within the framework of complexity theory on various levels: the selection, construction, utilisation, maintenance or abandonment of a harbour site depended on the interactions of a multiplicity of actors population on-site and in the hinterland; local, regional and central authorities; merchants and sailors, etc.

Within this framework, also the concept of path dependence is of relevance: decisions and efforts made for the selection and construction of a harbour determine the parameters for subsequent contexts of decision making. Ports are integrated into local and regional settlement systems via multiplex connections with their hinterland and co-determine the distribution of demographic and economic potentials within these systems.

Local, regional and over-regional sea-routes link ports of various sizes and importance in complex maritime networks, which are equally characterized by the emergence of hierarchies of harbours. On the basis of these sea-routes, also individuals and groups in various localities are connected in social networks, which can be characterised by mercantile, political, religious or cultural interactions, but especially through the mobility of individuals. A systematic survey of these entanglements between individuals, groups and localities contributes to a more adequate analysis of the complexity of these phenomena as do detail studies on the interplay between social and environmental factors for the development of selected ports.

Spatial, socio-economic and cultural considerations based on archaeological evidence from Greece, Cyprus and Asia Minor Pascal Arnaud, The interplay between actors and decision-makers for the selection, organisation, utilisation and maintenance of ports under the Roman Empire Flora Karagianni, Networks of Medieval City-Ports in the Black Sea 7thth cent. Publication Date: Nov 15, The Register of the Patriarchate of Constantinople.

Gastgeber and Ekaterini Mitsiou, eds. Preserved in two Greek manuscripts of the Austrian National Library, the "Register of the Patriarchate of Constantinople" contains more than documents, which were written between and by or for the Patriarchate and the Synod Preserved in two Greek manuscripts of the Austrian National Library, the "Register of the Patriarchate of Constantinople" contains more than documents, which were written between and by or for the Patriarchate and the Synod of Bishops of Constantinople; it is one of the most important sources for the religious, political and social history of the Byzantine Empire in the last centuries of its existence.

In , an international congress assembled experts from Austria and abroad in Vienna, who illuminated various aspects of these texts from the perspectives of palaeography, codicology, church history, law, social and economic history, and history of diplomacy. The contributions collected in this volume in German, English and French open a new view on the medieval Patriarchate of Constantinople and its Register, but also in general on the continued significance of the Byzantine Empire as a spiritual centre in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe and in the entire Mediterranean in an era in which its political power was already shrunk dramatically a few decades before the conquest by the Ottomans in Thus, the volume is of great interest both for experts from the field of Byzantine as well as Medieval Studies.

Frankfurt am Main - Berlin et. They cover various aspects of the impact of this They cover various aspects of the impact of this important dynasty on Central, Eastern and Southeastern Europe, and its reign in Lithuania, Poland, Hungary and Bohemia between the 14th and the 16th century.

Conference report: European Remembrance 2nd Symposium

Thus, the relevance of the Age of the Jagiellonians for the transformation of Europe between the late Middle Ages and the Early Modern period becomes visible. Various approaches to the overall topic can be found in this volume, be it from the viewpoint of war and religion, frontier studies, politics, theology, historiography or art history. The administrative history of Byzantine Armenia from the 5th to the 7th century Genesis of the thema Armeniakon in German more. The thesis analyses the development of the Late Roman and Early Byzantine administration of those territories which are called "Armenian" in the sources of the time from the 4th century until the development of the thema Armeniakon and The thesis analyses the development of the Late Roman and Early Byzantine administration of those territories which are called "Armenian" in the sources of the time from the 4th century until the development of the thema Armeniakon and the establishment of Arab supremacy in Greater Armenia around CE.

Latin, Greek and Armenian source in original language as well as Arab sources in translation are taken into consideration. Highlighted is also the relationship between Roman administrative institution and the Armenian aristocracy and its traditional framework of power and influence. Supervisor: Prof. Werner Seibt. The Episcopacy of Late Byzantium. A Register of all the metropolitans and bishops of the Patriarchate of Constantinople for the period between and More Info: A Register of all the metropolitans and bishops of the Patriarchate of Constantinople for the period between to covers entire Asia Minor, the Southern Balkans and the Russian church province.

View on amazon. Gastgeber, E. Mitsiou, I. Pop, M. Simon, ed. Vienna , p. The reign of Matthias Corvinus is regarded not only as a last heyday of the medieval Hungarian state, but marks a most turbulent period of transition from medieval to modern times for the whole of East Central Europe. The interests of Corvinus were directed both to the east, where tried to stop the advance of the Ottomans, who had taken Constantinople in , and to the west, where he sought to unite Bohemia and the hereditary lands of the Habsburgs with Hungary in a first "Danube Monarchy".

In addition, the king promoted art and culture, attracted Italian humanists and native scholars to his court and collected Latin and Greek manuscripts. These political and diplomatic aspects of the rule of Corvinus are highlighted in the contributions in this book the same way as the religious and cultural ones; also analysed are the representations of the king and his time in the western and eastern sources as well as in the historiography of the 19th and 20th century.

Because of this interdisciplinary view from east to west and vice versa, the volume is of interest both for medieval studies directed at Western Europe as well as at Eastern Europe. View on hw. The volume contains a systematic list of all documents and laws issued by Byzantine Emperors in the time between and CE and of all embassies and missions sent beyond the borders of the realm, thus covering relations with all The volume contains a systematic list of all documents and laws issued by Byzantine Emperors in the time between and CE and of all embassies and missions sent beyond the borders of the realm, thus covering relations with all neighbours in the East and in the West.

In total, the contribution of J. View on chbeck. Das Zusammenleben der Dogmen und die Doppelkirchen auf den griechischen Inseln More Info: A collection of papers on various aspects of Byzantine culture and history in German with abstracts in English. Seibt, ed. The volume was created on the basis of selected contributions to an international symposium that was held in on the occasion of the year anniversary of the creation of the Armenian alphabet in Vienna at the Austrian Academy of The volume was created on the basis of selected contributions to an international symposium that was held in on the occasion of the year anniversary of the creation of the Armenian alphabet in Vienna at the Austrian Academy of Sciences.

In order to view this major event of cultural history in a larger context, the conception of the symposium was widened in order to include not only the other two South Caucasian alphabets, the Georgian and Albanian, but also the Coptic one and the conditions in the Iranian empire of those centuries. Some well-datable, relatively clear research results are often in strong contrast to the more legendary traditions, which science has not resolved sufficiently until now. For the former, there existed until recently only vague theories; only after the decoding and decryption of palimpsests discovered in the St.

Catherine's Monastery in Sinai, to which a contribution in this volume is dedicated, founded statements are possible. For the Georgian alphabet a completely new approach is presented in a paper creation in the Syrian-Palestinian region, just after the creation of the Armenian alphabet. On the basis of these alphabets emerged a rich literature, which reached very quickly high bloom, especially in Armenia.

Thus, the volume is not only of interest for specialists in the areas of the Caucasus, but also for all researchers concerned with the development of Christian cultures in the late antique and early medieval centuries. View on verlag. Adam Izdebski - Johannes Preiser-Kapeller eds.

The volume will provide a systematic overview for the emerging field of environmental history of the medieval Eastern Mediterranean and include chapters on regions beyond the borders of Byzantium. As is appropriate for the topic, the As is appropriate for the topic, the volume will be a collaboration of historians, archaeologists and natural scientists and the results of the cooperation of 28 specialists in various fields from many countries. After an introduction, the first part will be devoted to "Concepts, Sources and Methods" and include chapters on Landscapes, settlements and Historical Geography, Palynology and Archaeobotany, Archaeozoology, Dendrochronology, Limnology and Speleology, Historical seismology and volcanology, Historical epidemiology, Bioarchaeology, Palaeopathology, Historical Ecology as well as on Textual sources for climatic and environmental developments and the attitudes of Byzantines towards Nature.

Preiser-Kapeller oeaw. Popovic oeaw. In general, the last centuries of the relationship between Byzantium and the West saw the intensification of processes of individual and community-wide religious change, which equally shaped the following early modern period of Mediterranean history.

Doi: Published in: Power in Landscape.

Table of contents

Geographic and Digital Approaches on Historical Research, ed. Mihailo St. Eudora Verlag, Leipzig , pp. For the volume see To be published in: Emilio Bonfiglio — Claudia Rapp eds. These presumptions are re-evaluated based on an inspection of medieval sources and scholarship of the 20th and 21st century. This paper proposes to proceed from a rather metaphorical application of network terminology on polities and imperial formations of the past to an actual use of tools and concepts of network science.

For this purpose, a well-established For this purpose, a well-established network model of the route system in the Roman Empire ORBIS and a newly created network model of the infrastructural web of Imperial China are visualised and analysed with regard to their structural properties. Findings indicate that these systems could be understood as large-scale complex networks with pronounced differences in centrality and connectivity among places and a hierarchical sequence of clusters across spatial scales from the over-regional to the local level.

Tentatively, results can be connected with actual historical dynamics and thus hint at underlying network mechanisms of large-scale integration and disintegration of political formations. ARC Humanities Press accepted for publication, forthcoming Migration can been defined as " permanent or long-term dislocation of the place of residence, both by individuals and by groups of any size ".

The earlier research focus on medieval phenomena of mass migration has been complemented with an attention on the mobility of smaller groups and its possible impacts for cultural change. Several forms of and motivations for the " dislocation of the place of residence " across various scales, both in terms of group size and of duration, will be described on the following pages.

These will range from the single Chinese Buddhist pilgrim, whose almost twenty years of sojourn in India qualify for migration under the above-cited definition, to thousands of Slav prisoners of war deported from the Balkans to Anatolia. The spatial focus will be on Afro-Eurasia in general, especially beyond Western Europe, and on migrations between more distanced regions in contrast to frequent movements between nearby places. Game moves at the Bosporus: negotiations on a union of Churches between Byzantium, Armenia and the West in the s and s more.

Daim et al. Mainz , pp. During the three time intervals, environmental and climatic stress tested the resilience of complex societies.

Divided Memory in a United Germany

We find that the multidecadal precipitation and drought variations in the Central and Eastern Mediterranean cannot be explained by external forcings solar variations, tropical volcanism ; rather they were driven by internal climate dynamics. Our research emphasises the challenges, opportunities and limitations of linking proxy records, palaeoreconstructions and model simulations to better understand how climate can affect human history. From one edge of the post Sasanian world to the other. These regimes have an enduring impact on the routes and modes of mobility across larger distances even after the fragmentation or collapse of an empire.

As will be demonstrated, the movements and migrations between and across these edges provide also the background for the mobility of objects and elements of Sasanian art and culture across entire Afro-Eurasia and the first Millennium CE. A climate for crusading? Environmental factors in the history of the Eastern Mediterranean during the life and reign of Peter I of Cyprus more. As recent studies have demonstrated also for the Eastern Mediterranean, an increasing number of extreme events accompanied this transition period and aggravated also otherwise crisis-prone socio-economic conditions cf.

Raphael, Climate and Political Climate. Environmental Disasters in the Medieval Levant. Leiden ; the plague epidemic of Black Death from onwards was only one, albeit the most potent among these catastrophes. Quantitative historical analysis uncovers a single dimension of complexity that structures global variation in human social organization more. Abstract: Do human societies from around the world exhibit similarities in the way that they are structured, and show commonalities in the ways that they have evolved? These are long-standing questions that have proven difficult to answer.

To test between competing hypotheses, we constructed a massive repository of historical and archaeological information known as " Seshat: Global History Databank. We were able to capture information on 51 variables reflecting nine characteristics of human societies, such as social scale, economy, features of gover-nance, and information systems. Our analyses revealed that these different characteristics show strong relationships with each other and that a single principal component captures around three-quarters of the observed variation.

Furthermore, we found that different characteristics of social complexity are highly predictable across different world regions. These results suggest that key aspects of social organization are functionally related and do indeed coevolve in predictable ways. Our findings highlight the power of the sciences and humanities working together to rigorously test hypotheses about general rules that may have shaped human history.

Doi: doi: From Local to Global. Mainz , see Such kind of methodology also helps us to find an explanation for the existing differences. Butrint on the other hand belongs to another cluster comprising the northwestern areas of Central Greece, Northern Peloponnese and the Ionian Sea. Also in there was established in Prague the Institute for Research of Totalitarian Regimes and in in Bucharest a central monument by Peter Jacobi, an artist of German-Transylvanian origin was erected to remind the victims of Holocaust. There are many other examples from other countries. Indeed, contemporary historical discourse devotes less attention to the earlier historical periods when common values and cultural references common for many nations were being shaped in Europe.

Such kind of historical awareness rather introduces division than encourages development of common identity, because continuity of history and historical memory was disturbed by crimes committed during this century, the crimes the scale of which was beyond any imagination. We should not to disclaim the history of 20th century, but today, 20 years after end of conflict between the West and East we have to refer in even stronger way to intellectual and cultural roots of Europe.

What specific events of 20th century have led to breakdown of memory, caused deep wounds in awareness of the European nations and resulted in such multitude of different images of history in our continent? The countries of Eastern Europe became in — a stage for the Nazi and Soviet politics of terror. Above mentioned events have one common and sorrowful trait — these deeds were involving boundless lawlessness and unimaginable cruelty. They brought about great suffering of millions of people who frequently were not involved in any political developments of the time.


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These facts and in particular the vast number of victims mourned in many countries are present in memory of European nations although this presence is diverse way since each nation is considering given historical event in perspective of its own fate first. It happens frequently that that memory about some event prevailing in one nation competes with or even contradicts the memory of the same event as seen by the other nation. There is one principal problem that is obvious in contemporary international debates on the past unless they are conducted within small groups of scholars , namely a certain asymmetry that occurs in mutual perception of western and eastern countries.

The long-term result of such traditional western orientation is the fact that because of language barrier the process of reckoning with the past that lasted in the countries of the Central and Eastern Europe from up to now did not find its way to awareness of many people and did not enter into political historical discourse.

This thesis can be supported by the fact of fervent debate concerning expulsion and forced resettlement of Germans that was conducted in Poland both in scientific circles and in press. This debate still is waiting for its wider prevalence in Germany. On the other hand professional literature published in western languages constitutes a valuable source which is frequently used and further developed by people from the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Nevertheless the important thing is to know how to attempt these differences. It makes no sense to declare them unjustified [ Besides this Platform supposed to take over scientific and educational tasks and coordinating functions.

Today principally there exists consensus that historical events should be looked at considering their complexity in reference to all parts involved or all parts afflicted by these events. There is no doubt that the past should be analysed while taking into consideration and referring to perspectives of the partners of discourse. Matthias Weber born - historian, Germanist. Since associate professor in University in Oldenburg.

Europe and its Nations. Translation from French: Matthias Wolf. Berlin Historisches Faktum und politisches Problem [European Identity. Fact and Political Problem], link: www. Een historisch feit en een politiek problem. W: Leonard Ornstein, Lo Breemer ed. Grote Denkers over Europa. Amsterdam , p. Simboli e miti Dell'ltalia Unita. La France et les Pays-Bas. Amsterdam Zur Erfindung eines Kontinents zwischen transnationalem Anspruch und nationaler Wirklichkeit.

European debate on values in historical perspective] Bielefeld , p. Das Jahrhundert und der Krieg der Erinnerungen. The Appeall of the Memorial; reprinted in: Osteuropa 58 brochure 6 , p. During the Interwar Period, the poet Rudyard Kipling worked closely with the newly-founded Imperial War Graves Commission to register British war dead, to construct permanent war cemeteries and memorials for the fallen, and to cultivate images of sacrifice, equality, and unity in the developing British collective memory of the Great War.

Like millions of parents all across Europe, the Great War deeply affected Rudyard Kipling both personally and professionally. At the outbreak of the war, Kipling joined the British war effort through his craft, as well as by advising the British government on war propaganda.

However, after the death of his son, Kipling began to focus more on activities to sustain the memories of the war dead, in part by joining the Imperial War Graves Commission. Though his work with the Commission at times seemed to contradict his war writings and propaganda, both his literary works and volunteerism molded British collective memory of the Great War for generations, as did the work of the Imperial War Graves Commission itself.

Rudyard Kipling, though never a soldier himself, developed a general respect and love for the British military, especially the colonialists. The harsh conditions in South Africa generated great interest for the welfare of British soldiers and their families Gross, , This sympathy led Kipling to set up the Absent-Minded Beggar Fund for returning British soldiers and the families of men killed in action early in the war.

He wrote in the Daily Mail in , in the hope of reminding the British public of the sacrifice of its soldiers on a distant battlefield Kipling, October The German invasion of Belgium outraged both Kipling and Britain to the point of patriotic fervor. In the early months of the conflict, Kipling and his wife, Carrie, worked closely with the Red Cross, and helped to lessen the plight of Belgian refugees. Kipling routinely visited military hospitals and camps, many times publishing his experiences for the world to see.

John Kipling was among the first to volunteer for the British war effort; however, like his father, the younger Kipling suffered from poor eyesight, which sidelined him from military service. The military commissioned John Kipling as a Second Lieutenant, sending his to the Western Front right after his eighteenth birthday Mallett , As an act of love, and maybe even penitence, Rudyard Kipling spent five and a half years writing the History of the Irish Guards, completing the work between September and June The purpose of the book, for Kipling, was to record the history of the regiment, rather than to focus on the horrors of the war Gilmour , — Despite his lack of confidence, Kipling relented to the mounting requests from the members of the newly-formed Imperial War Graves Commission, being formally appointed as the literary adviser to the Commission in October Kipling October Kipling would remain a member of the Commission for eighteen years, until his death in Birkenhead , The industrialized warfare and high death toll in the early months of the Great War stunned much of Europe.

Concern for the care of the dead occupied the minds of many, including Fabian Ware, an educationalist and former newspaper man. Ware joined the Red Cross in ; he was unable to join the British military due to his advanced age. To this end, the Commission worked tirelessly to locate soldier cemeteries, exhume isolated graves, and create new cemeteries for those who had not been formally buried in the heat of battle. In some cases, British soldiers had been buried in French and Belgian churchyards, alongside their allied comrades; however, as the preexisting cemeteries filled to capacity with the allied dead, Ware and the Commission began to negotiate with the Allied governments for the purchase of land to create new cemeteries for the British dead The Times , 13— This practice of purchasing foreign lands for new cemeteries became one of the basic practices of the future Imperial War Graves Commission, though Ware felt that his organization was severely hindered by having to work within the established military relations networks, leading to his call for the Commission to be given a royal charter that would separate the Commission into a separate entity, with powers to negotiate with foreign nations without the direct consent of the British military or the British government Imperial War Graves Commission 10 May , 5.

To this end, the Commission was granted special powers, including the jurisdiction to acquire land for war cemeteries, to erect permanent buildings and memorials within war cemeteries, to provide upkeep for cemetery grounds specifically headstone maintenance and gardening , and to maintain burial records and registries for the dead Imperial War Graves Commission 10 May , 5. In a pamphlet written by the Director of the British Museum and a member of the Commission, Sir Frederic Kenyon, and later in a booklet by Rudyard Kipling, the Imperial War Graves Commission laid out the guiding principles of the organization, which focused on issues of common sacrifice, remembrance, and equality.

Another important principle of the newly-formed Commission was to respect the faith of the dead, including the minimizing of the Christian overtones of the cemeteries and the incorporation of the religious symbols of other faiths, including those of Jews, Muslims, and Hindus, all of whom fought for the British military and the Colonial militaries. The only major Christian symbol to be placed in the cemeteries would be the Cross of Sacrifice, along with the more religiously ambiguous Stone of Remembrance Geurst , The purpose of the Stone of Remembrance was to harken back to the Paleolithic symbol of the altar and sacrifice, which was common in most cultures throughout the world.

The Commission chose to include in its principles the desire to honor the burial customs and beliefs of the soldiers fighting for the British Empire. The headstones of non-Christians included symbols of their own faith and the major monuments of the cemeteries included Biblical phrases that did not specifically read as Christian; the best example of this principle can be seen in the inscription chosen for the Stone of Remembrance Kenyon , 10— During the first two decades of the Imperial War Graves Commission, the organization located , graves, , of which had been unidentified.

The Commission recorded the names of a further , soldiers killed in the war, who possessed no known graves Ware , The work of the Commission, including its future work after the Second World War, has become one of the largest and most successful examples of the importance, maintenance, and steering of collective memory in the twentieth century.

In his pamphlet on the Commission, Kenyon mentioned that the burial sites range from isolated and mass graves on destroyed battlefields, to former sites of hospitals and casualty clearing stations, to French and Belgian civilian cemeteries, leaving the Commission with the responsibility to find and create cemeteries for over a million individuals, and the responsibility to remember the identities of the missing, who would never have formal graves Kenyon , 5. The cemeteries were originally constructed using provisional wooden crosses as grave markers. Over the decades, the Commission slowly replaced the wooden crosses with headstones fashioned from Portland stone.

These headstones measured 2 feet 6 inches by 1 foot 3 inches and were uniform in design, with the only major differences between gravestones being the regimental badges and symbols of faith. The Commission consulted the various regiments of the British military, asking them to create their own special design for the headstones Kipling , 6. The Commission quarried more than , tons of Portland stone for the cemeteries during the Interwar Period, making the operation one of the largest industrial endeavors of the twentieth century The Times 10 November , 8.

Along with the construction of the headstones, the Commission devoted much time and effort to the design and construction of the two central monuments for the cemeteries: the Cross of Sacrifice and the Stone of Remembrance. This was in stark contrast to the later construction of the Cross of Sacrifice, designed by Sir Reginald Blomfield. The Cross of Sacrifice stood above the graves, with a bronze sword at its center to signify the sacrifice of the fallen for the British Empire Gibson and Kingley , Of all the policies of the Imperial War Graves Commission, the most contested was the policy regarding exhumations and repatriation.

The Commission believed that it would not be fair to the lower classes to allow the wealthier sections of British society to bring home their war dead; this would go against the principle of equal treatment for the fallen. The idea of equality for all was so important to the Commission that it fought for the principle in the House of Commons in , winning the right to reject repatriation and private memorials King Spring , —; Gilmour , To appraise the public outcry over the policy regarding repatriation, the Commission agreed that relatives would be allowed to pay for a short, personal inscription on the individual headstones, though the inscription could not be longer than sixty-six letters Kipling , Kipling had three main roles within the imperial organization, aside from his role as a voting member on the inner workings of the Commission.

His most influential responsibilities to the molding of British collective memory included public relations, the formulation of memorial inscriptions, and touring the cemeteries to report on the construction progress. In the early days of the Commission, Kipling believed that it was important for the Commission to have a publicity department; this role eventually fell onto his shoulders.

As the publicity department, Kipling was responsible for the regulation of publications, tours, and the publication of letters to British and international newspapers on the behalf of the Imperial War Graves Commission Ware 6 February Kipling volunteered for the project in the hopes that his fame would help the Commission reach a wider audience and command greater attention Arthur Browne 8th February Along with editing the pamphlet, Kipling also wrote a special poem to mark the occasion, one of his most moving pieces of the postwar years Aiden December , 26; Hodder-Williams 11 August Finally, Kipling repeatedly agreed to attend the unveiling of war memorials in Britain and abroad, though many times he could not, due to his declining health during the Interwar Period Kipling 6 October Kipling, along with Fabian Ware, became the public face of the Commission and its work for much of the s and s, giving the Imperial War Graves Commission both legitimacy and political standing both at home and in foreign affairs.

The most time-consuming responsibility for Kipling during his years as a member of the Imperial War Graves Commission was the drafting of special inscriptions for the war cemeteries, monuments, and memorials. Following his assertion that he was not qualified to craft the various inscriptions required for the Commission, Kipling originally suggested in that the Commission gather suggestions for inscriptions from the general public; however, after reviewing the majority of the responses, Kipling decided that most were unusable and that he would have to write the inscriptions himself Arthur Browne 23 December ; Cemetery Entrance Inscriptions 15 January In many cases, when Kipling did choose a passage from the Bible, the inscription focused on the ideas of sacrifice and memory, thus being universal in message and sentiment Aiden December , The first major inscription that Kipling drafted was for the Stone of Remembrance.

The only mistake I made was to have an inscription on it. However, Luteyn noted years after the construction of his Stones of Remembrance that many were used as altars to the memory of the dead, much as the architect had hoped, therefore becoming a major instrument in the formation and maintenance of British collective memory for many visitors Geurst , For his work with the Commission, Kipling produced inscriptions for a wide array of monuments to commemorate the sacrifices made by the war dead; many consisted of tablets for the entrances of cemeteries, tablets for religious institutions, and plaques to memorialize individuals lost at sea.

The most frequent type of inscription produced by Kipling was for general memorials, which commemorated the memory of the specific regiments fighting during the war. For Kipling, the most important information to convey through these inscriptions was the idea of memory and sacrifice. Much like the memorial to Palestine, Kipling spent much of his time making sure that the Indian Armies received their due commemoration after the war.

Another type of inscription created by Rudyard Kipling during the course of his membership to the Imperial War Graves Commission was inscriptions for religious institutions including both churches and cathedrals, particularly in England, France, and Belgium. The Commission requested inscriptions for cathedrals in France and Belgium, including Notre Dame, as well as an inscription for tablets to be placed in Westminster Abbey.

And much like the tablets in Paris, the memorial placed in Westminster Abbey focused on the memory of common sacrifice across the whole of the British Empire. The final type of inscription produced by Kipling for general memorialization focused on the memory of individuals lost at sea, especially mercantile marines, hospital ships, and steamships Imperial War Graves Commission 8 February ; Kipling 24 March ; Chettle 1 December At the th meeting of the Commission on 8 February , it was recorded that Kipling suggested the following inscription for the Mercantile Marine Memorial at Tower Hill in London:.

To the honour of the British Mercantile Marine. Here are recorded the names of more than twelve thousand officers and men of the Merchant service who during the war — gave their lives unfalteringly for the needs of their country, who met death at the hands of the enemy and whose grave is the sea Imperial War Graves Commission 8 February Many of the inscriptions for lost hospital ships and steamships generally followed the above example, with Kipling requesting the public remember the various actors who sank with their ships during the course of the war Kipling 24 March ; Chettle 1 December Like the other members of the Commission, Kipling often sought to commemorate as many of the dead and lost as possible, thus leading to the creation of numerous memorials and monuments to the dead, wherever they lie, even if their graves were the sea.

The Commission decided that special memorials were needed to commemorate the lost souls whom the Commission could never identify. For Kipling, the memorials to the missing were the most important work of the Commission, because without these special monuments, the names of the missing would rapidly become lost to time, which was unthinkable to the Imperial War Graves Commission. Originally, Kipling and his wife Carrie travelled extensively in Europe, though France was their most frequent destination. In the summer of , the Kiplings travelled nearly 1, miles throughout France to view the progress being made on the cemeteries on the Western Front.

This trip included a visit to the battlefields near Loos and the Somme, where the Kiplings then ventured to Chalk Pit Woods, the last known location of their son, John Longworth , 79; Gilmour , The purpose of many of these cemetery tours for Kipling was to report on the conditions that he encountered, make recommendations to the Commission, and to push for great funding of the projects by both the British public and the British government Gilmour , Two of the many recommendations sent to the Commission by Rudyard Kipling were the creation of enquiry offices and grave directories to help relatives and friends find the graves of their fallen loved ones.

The work of the Imperial War Graves Commission, and therefore the work of Rudyard Kipling, both directly and indirectly influenced the construction of British collective memory, to focus on remembering the Great War as a moment of common sacrifice between soldiers and between nations. The purpose of the Commission regarding the memorialization of the fallen was to remember the individual identities of the war dead, to use the cemeteries and memorials as constant reminders to future generations to avoid war, and to unite both the Empire and the nations of the world in the common memory of sacrifice.

From the outset of its creation, the Imperial War Graves Commission pursued the ideas of comradeship and common sacrifice in its work. The purpose of the Commission, first and foremost, was to secure the memory of the fallen in foreign lands. This involved the need for identification, memorialization, and preservation. To this end, the Commission petitioned the Treasury for a fund to maintain the appearance and therefore the memory of the war dead.

In his annual Armistice Day and Remembrance Day addresses to the nation, Fabian Ware often passionately pressed for the public and the government to remember the mistakes of the past and avoid future wars. Ware believed that the cemeteries needed to stand as a constant reminder, particularly for future generations, of the cost of war, hoping that the visible reminder of the Great War would keep the memories of overwhelming sacrifice from being swept away, as it had been in the past Ware 9 November Like the goals of remembering the individual and remembering to avoid future conflict, the Imperial War Graves Commission sought, albeit indirectly, to unite both the British Empire and the nations of the world through the memory of the Great War and both national and imperial sacrifice.

For the Commission, and the British government, the Imperial War Graves Commission was first and foremost an imperial body, whose purpose was to recall the role of the Great War in consolidating the British Empire through a common cause and a common sorrow. The Commission not only signified a united Empire through its visible work around the world, but it illustrated the great effort of the British Empire to work together to remember the great loss of life during the war.

The Commission was comprised of representatives from all the major regions of the Empire, including Canada, Australasia, New Zealand, South Africa, and Newfoundland, all of whom played a large role in the funding and construction of the war cemeteries and memorials throughout the world The Times 10 November , 3. While the Commission illustrated the unification of the British Empire around a common loss, the organization also helped to unite nations around the globe in peace during the Interwar Period.

The Commission created transnational bonds of common remembrance between former allies and former enemies, which led to both the creation of the Joint Committees for the guardianship of the graves and the joint ceremonies of remembrance, as nations came together to collectively mourn the fallen every November Ware , 12; Ware Many times, these private occasions of foreign remembrance continued for decades, long after the actual memories of the foreign soldiers had faded.

On 18 January , Rudyard Kipling died in England, from a perforated ulcer. In its sixteenth annual report, the Commission wrote that it wished to convey its gratitude to Rudyard Kipling for his years of service to the cause of the war fallen:. The Commission [desires to] place on record their deep and abiding sense of loss which they have sustained in the death of their colleague and friend, Mr. Rudyard Kipling.

They feel that an association of no ordinary official nature has been broken; and they know that this feeling is shared by their staff, to whom, in consultation in London or on frequent visits to the cemeteries abroad, he gave encouragement, inspiration, and a sense of personal interest in their work and welfare Imperial War Graves Commission , 5. Vanier, representing the Dominion of Canada at the sixteenth annual meeting of the Imperial War Graves Commission echoed the sentiments of many at the Commission as well as the rest of the world when he stated that.

Only a really great man, or a child, could be as simple as he was, and I for one have no doubt that he will rank as one of the greatest writers and also, which is perhaps more important, as one of the finest characters of modern times Unafraid to serve, and we can best honour his memory by serving Imperial War Graves Commission , 6. Rudyard, along with the rest of the Commission, worked diligently during the Interwar Period to preserve the memory of those who died for their country in the Great War.

Of the various postwar outlets for British collective memory, the work of Rudyard Kipling and the Imperial War Graves Commission signify the most active and all-encompassing effort to mold the memories of the Great War, not only to remember the millions of dead across the battlefields, but to unite all peoples in a common memory of sacrifice and mourning, in the hope that by doing so, the world would not repeat the failures of the past.

Many historians point to the Interwar Period as the rise of the Memory Boom in the West, and like the efforts of the Imperial War Museum and the Great War artists, the Imperial War Graves Commission spent much of these two decades focusing on the potent costs of the Great War and planting the seeds of hope for peace across the Continent. Chelsea Medlock. Doctoral candidate at Oklahoma State University, specializes in the history of industrialization and its effects on British identity and collective memory. Medlock is currently writing her doctoral dissertation entitled, Re-Membering the Forgotten Legions: the Veteranization of British War Horses, — Her dissertation focuses on the changing perceptions of the British military, animal welfare organizations, and the public regarding the employment and veteran status of war horses in the age of total war.

Medlock has conducted research into both animal history and the history of industrialization, presenting at numerous conference in North America and Europe. Gibson, Edwin, Major and G. Gross, John ed. Imperial War Graves Commission. King, Alex. Kipling, Rudyard ed. Letter from E. Letter from Fabian Ware to Lt. London: Leo Cooper. Pinney, Thomas ed.

Remembering the German Democratic Republic

Ware, Fabian. Das mochte damit zu tun haben, dass sich die Stadt im Konflikt mit ihren Oberherren entwickelt hatte, einerseits dem Herzog bzw. Beide rivalisierenden Gewalten wurden von der Stadt systematisch marginalisiert. Die reisenden Scholaren Breslaus brachten sie nach Hause. Das fand seinen Widerhall darin, dass die Stadt die Gedenkorte an pflegte und sich an keines ihrer historischen Ereignisse lieber erinnerte als an dieses.

Das von Karl V. Seine christlichen bzw. Auch das danach im polnischen Breslau geltende Wappen war dechristianisiert. Bis zur Reformation galt der Breslauer Dom als das erste Bauwerk der Stadt, mit einigem Abstand die beiden Hauptpfarrkirchen, danach erst der profane Bau des Rathauses. Der Dom geriet ins Abseits. Jahrhunderts den einzigen Turm der Elisabethkirche auf beachtliche Meter hochgezogen, so dass er unter seiner eigenen Last zusammenbrach. Breslau wurde ab der Mitte des Jahrhundert eine historische und heimatkundliche Fachliteratur folgte.

Der Historismus des Einige seiner bedeutendsten Werke, die sich heute in Berlin befinden, hingen einst in Breslau. Breslau wurde mit Kriegsende ein Ort des Abschieds. Heimatverlust bedeutet mehr als nur materielle Enteignung. Norbert Conrads geb. Az ban V. Csak a The Znak Community holds a special place in Polish history after This situation occurred because of running independent publishing and human activity associated with the Znak in the structures of the democratic opposition on the one hand, on the other hand, having over twenty years of political representation in parliament and acceptance of the alliance with the Soviet Union resulting from the adoption of neo-positivist conception.

This contradiction is reflected in the first part of the title of this paper. Special consideration of German issues, in turn, allows us to better understand the character of the relationships between the Znak Community and the communist state. This attitude towards the West German state was the platform for understanding, but that does not mean, however, that the former conflicts did not occur. An example is the case of the Polish Episcopate message to the German bishops. This paper deals with some aspects of the German issues, published in Tygodnik Powszechny in , as well as speeches of the Znak Parliamentary Members.

To achieve this, the text is divided into two parts. The first deals with issues concerning the rights of the Polish western border on the Oder-Neisse line, collective responsibility for Nazism and German revisionism and rearmament. The final turning point is Brandt-Cyrankiewicz treaty signed in , which was a cornerstone of normalization of Polish-German relations. Then the primary purpose of the character of the Znak Community was attained: the recognition of the Polish western border by West Germany.

He stated things clearly: Poland had occupied the new lands, taken away from Germany, under a law that never expired. Geopolitical arguments also come to the aid of the border marked by the rivers Oder and Neisse — peace will reign in Europe if all its parts are healthy. Thus Poland, in the post-war order, as an important part of the new reality, had to be strong and independent of Germany. Associating the north-western lands with Poland and est ablishing Polish rights to them, Turowicz relies on the fulfilment of several duties, or conditions.

Among these are the resettlement of the Polish population, and the joining of the region to the Polish socio-economic and cultural entity. Without Turowicz and Tygodnik Powszechny, the Znak community would never have come to be. We might say that the Znak community was more a loose-knit federation of several centres bound by social ties than a tight organization with a clear centre.

The main factors generating this state of affairs were the ideological convictions and intellectual standpoints within the Znak community itself, the evolution of the communist system, and the kinds of issues and problems in relation to which a given stance is formed whether it agreed with the position of the authorities or not. There were issues where cooperation with the communist authorities could occur harmoniously, regardless of differences in world view and without resorting to various concepts that justified involvement.

We observe such overlap in many aspects of the German problem. On this basis we can see where the standpoints converge, and where the differences arise. The following article will present selected aspects of the German issue found in the articles that appeared in the pages of Tygodnik Powszechny from , and in several speeches by the Znak MP Circle, with a turning point at the end in the Brandt-Cyrankiewicz Accord8 signed in , addressing the bases for the normalization of mutual relations.

In both cases these rights were justified by demonstrating the links between these lands and the Slavs, or with Slavic history. Kazimierz Piwarski wrote of the lands stolen by Germanic tribes and the historical injustices done to the Slavs. He laments the fact that, instead of finding a common path, the Czechs and Poles chose to diverge, which aided Germanization. Above all, it was the colonization of new areas by Poles that was crucial here. He felt the new western border was the most advantageous. Nonetheless, he did not rule out German aggression.

This is why, given its international situation, Poland should also adopt strategies to avert future dangers from its western neighbour. At its basis should be the premise that Polish-German peace is dependent on Polish strength, not German weakness, because such weakness is only transitional. His article ponders how to stop the Germans from causing another war and from attacking Europe and the world. Kazimierz Rakowski also considered ways of stopping the Germans from declaring war and attacking Europe and Poland once more.

He saw the aggressiveness of the western neighbour less in a lack of ethics and an affinity for war than in the possession of certain Prussian attributes. This, alongside the granting of the western lands to Poland, was to bring about the liquidation of the Prussian landowners, i. Immediately following the war, a great deal of ink in Tygodnik Powszechny was devoted to the guilt of the German nation and the punishment of its war criminals.

A frequent pretext was the court trials they underwent. Father Piwowarczyk reflected upon the sentences at the Nuremberg trial. The International War Tribunal is, to his mind, a representation of all nations, and the crimes of the accused were unequalled in the history of the world. A Christian principle concerning the neglect of moral imperatives is invoked here. The author finds the source of the German misfortunes in the disappearance of morality in the nation. The other cause of evil resided in the acceptance of Pagan theories. He calls on the whole of the German nation to do penance.

This time, the cure for the German conscience and the recipe for peace is not a collective process, but a Christian education. Father Piwowarczyk dismisses accusations by German Catholics that Tygodnik Powszechny was driven by hatred toward Germans. He saw the opportunity for reconciliation in the Germans fulfilling several conditions, namely punishing their criminals, admitting their guilt, and redressing the wrongs done.

This last condition was to be fulfilled by the German state forfeiting the western lands. Interestingly enough, apart from the concept of national justice, he deployed the notion of religious justice, which was meant to involve a retrieval of the above-mentioned lands not only for the Poles, but for the Catholics as well. Since the sixteenth century the spread of Prussia had meant the contraction of Catholicism in the East.

He sees the only chance for the rebirth of Catholicism in Germany in an honest effort to reconcile with Polish Catholics. To demonstrate this collective guilt, he used the trial of twenty doctors accused of conducting concentration camp experiments. At the end of the trial of the Auschwitz camp personnel was held. The author does regret the fact that it did not achieve its prime goal, which was to make the convicted Germans cognizant of their guilt. Stomma, in turn, appeals for a denial of revenge.

This springs from the conviction that does no good. As an alternative, he proposes humanist care for man and the upholding of a balance between repression and prevention, and Christian humanism. They stated that people who had belonged to the Nazi party had reclaimed important positions and had been rehabilitated. Apart from questioning the permanence of the borders, they raised economic, humanitarian, and demographic issues.

He stated that. In many cases this support went beyond these factors and was based on wider acceptance. The foreign policy of the Polish government is — how shall I put it — fully ratified by the nation. As we know, there are ideological disputes in Poland, and there are various views on internal problems, but when it comes to international policy, the unity of the nation is encouraging indeed.

Thereafter he called attention to three tendencies in the West German state. He was disquieted by the non-recognition of the present borders, the propaganda calling for territorial changes, and the growth in military power. In spite of these facts, he believed that an active policy would be able to break down the bad experiences of the past.

But this must be a mutual desire. He moved on to postulate that the territorial decisions remain firm and the border decisions of be recognized. Curiously enough, Stomma saw the greatest obstacle to Polish-German reconciliation not in the problems formulated above, but in disagreements over the issue of world peace.

He saw the issue of peace as an example of a debate on the future of humanity and the development of world politics. A few days before the conflict erupted over the proclamation of the Polish bishops to their German counterparts, Jerzy Zawieyski made a parliamentary speech on the ceremonies to mark the 20th anniversary of the introduction of Polish church administration in the western lands.

Simultaneously, the Polish bishops published a pastoral letter emphasizing the role of the Church in strengthening the ties binding the new lands and their settlers with the rest of the nation. Zawieyski stressed that the Episcopate border on the Oder and Lusatian Neisse was inviolable, and this, he felt, was the position of the nation as a whole.

One example was the memorandum of the German Evangelical Church.


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For the approaching Millennium celebrations, the Polish bishops responded to letters and invitations from episcopates of various countries, among which was a letter of 18 November addressed to the German bishops. The rulers appealed to enduring anti-German sentiments in society. The primate and episcopate came under harsh attack, with the Church being accused of betraying the Polish national interest. In the first part of his speech he defended the episcopate.

He claimed that the position of the Polish Church on the status of the western lands was uniform and identical with the position of the nation as a whole. He recalled the services of the Church in joining these lands with the rest of the country and in opposing German revisionism. Apart from these accusations against the bishops, the MP criticized the German press and episcopate. The former came under fire for suggesting the abandonment of the resolutions of the Potsdam Conference, while the German Church was accused of lacking a clear standpoint in response to the letter, which could have given the impression that it was counting on the border issues being regulated in the future in the form of a compromise.

Jerzy Turowicz also appealed for an end to polemics surrounding the 14 January proclamation at a session of the Polish Committee for a United National Front. We might say that this session was a warm-up for the parliamentary debate. The editor of Tygodnik Powszechny stood up in defence of the good intentions of the Polish bishops, while the whole debate, he said, could create an impression of divisions in Polish society over the inviolability of the western border. In March , at the conclusion of the parliamentary session, the Znak Circle placed in the hands of Zenon Kliszko, the vice-marshal, a memorandum intended as an ideological-political declaration.

It listed the tasks and goals that the MPs set for themselves in their future work. Among international issues, the German question was problem number one for the Circle. The memorandum indicated three factors that could affect mutual relations. These were the reluctance of West Germany to acknowledge the inviolability of the Oder-Neisse border, its non-recognition of East Germany, and its demand for access to nuclear weapons. At the same time, they warned of developing neo-Nazi movements. In spite of real guarantees of the western borders and good relations with East Germany, these factors, according to the leader of the Znak Circle, kept the German issue wide open.

He postulated a varied approach to German communities, encouraging the rulers to. We should go halfway to meet the new tendencies in Germany and those people with the courage to conquer the old ways. He spoke in favour of a certain type of behaviour. He saw cooperation with Moscow on the German question as a wise principle for the Polish government. He believed that:. Only through alliance with the Soviet Union, only through the guarantee of this mighty superpower is there a chance that our relations with the Germans can begin sensibly and constructively to come together [ The Bonn Republic had acknowledged the Oder-Neisse border.

It would be hard to draw such a conclusion with regard to a movement whose members held seats in Parliament, which had representatives in the State Council and the Polish Committee of the National Unity Front,67 and which could legally publish magazines and run club activities. These ideas could be summarized in four points: lawful rule, democracy, restoration of economic life, and sovereignty and the dictate of national interest in foreign policy.

It might have seemed that the conditions for neo-positivism were exhausted in the late s, when a sharp turn away from October occurred. Nothing could be more mistaken, however. This was the dictate of national interest in foreign policy, i. Relations with the West German state were a platform where there was more frequently agreement than debate with the rulers. In the post-war years, articles in Tygodnik Powszechny concerning Germany on the one hand reflected the prevalent mood in Poland, and on the other coincided with the communist standpoint.

This did not mean that there were no quarrels between the Znak movement and the rulers on the German question. Despite the none-too-clear parliamentary speech on the issue by Jerzy Zawieyski, Znak did not join in the anti-German and anti-Church propaganda. As for the political balance sheet, it comes out as none too impressive.

And this was not only because, by the mids, Znak was dropping out of political life and crossing over to the opposition. We ought to emphasize that the position of the Znak movement abroad, particularly in West Germany, was disproportionate to the structures at its disposal.

We ought to stress, however, that while the political achievements of the people involved with Znak are dubious, the community did have success in the social sphere. The Znak movement played a major role in building positive contacts between Poles and Germans, and in engaging both nations and states to come together. Graduated in history and political studies at the Jagiellonian University in Cracow.

Official relations between the two countries were then initiated. Friszke, op. Dudek, Z. Bartoszewski, O Niemcach i Polakach. Nadzieje, ed. Rogulski, J. Rydel Krakow, , passim. This paper analyses various trends in the Hungarian perception of and reactions to the rise of Solidarity and the Polish crisis of It aims to show, first, how the Hungarian authorities reacted to the Polish crisis and what was at stake for them.

The paper also highlights how the image of Polish developments was rather effectively manipulated by the Hungarian press and how narrow the limits of official tolerance were. At the same time, Polish developments served as a major inspiration for Hungarian dissidents who, using primarily Polish examples, reformulated themselves as the democratic opposition around this time.

The Polish crisis was the moment of greatest activity and outreach for this milieu until the gradual extension of pluralism in the Hungary of the late s. Before turning to the developments of , I want to devote some words to the historical background, focusing on the curious history of Hungarian-Polish relations.

The histories of the two countries in modern times were at odds with each other in major ways: Hungary experienced its moment of grandeur under the Dual Monarchy at the time Poland was still partitioned in the late 19th century, then Poland emerged at the end of the First World War just at the time when as part of the collapse of the Habsburg Empire Hungary was greatly diminished.

Examples of such basic divergence could be extended further. Hungarian-Polish relations have nevertheless been quite exceptionally good. Moreover, there was a widespread tendency in the Eastern bloc to closely observe developments in other countries because there was a rather general understanding that the direction they took could matter at home too. Hopes for liberalization or perhaps more accurately relaxation of control could be encouraged by developments that took place in other Eastern bloc countries.

Similarly, the strengthening of repressive measures in one place could be perceived by those hoping for liberalization as heralding the threat of similar developments all over the bloc. Such developments ultimately depended on two major factors: the political course of the Soviet Union and the uses local communists made of their space to manoeuvre. The latter, it ought to be added, was never clearly defined. Local communist leaders first had to manoeuvre to find out how much they were allowed to do so. This was practically the only way to estimate the limits of Soviet tolerance.

Soviet military intervention ensued in poorly defined contexts where, ironically, every move had to be historically-ideologically justified and the past often drastically rewritten or even falsified to suit the needs of the present. Importantly, in the late s both Hungary and Poland could make claims to be in the vanguard of developing their communist regimes in posttotalitarian directions. Polish communists orchestrated no show trials and did not collectivize agriculture. Moreover, Poland had a strong Church and a relatively free cultural life. This renovation never amounted to structural-institutional changes aside from the always contested and never consistently applied economic reform measures.

Thus, restoration and renovation were in fact part of one and the same process. He could thus draw on sufficient personal experience to appreciate the advantages of creating a less arbitrary and more reliable rule. I would still claim that the judgment of the Hungarian leadership about Solidarity was in no sense fundamentally more liberal than those of communist leaders in other countries. Nevertheless, there were important tactical differences that deserve to be highlighted.

The Czechoslovak, Bulgarian, and East German leaders considered the Polish agreements of August and September as grave mistakes on the part of the Polish communists. The Hungarian leadership, on the other hand, at first maintained that the Polish leadership was competent enough to solve its own problems and should be trusted with the resolution of the crisis. He even considered the strikes by workers and their initial grievances to be justified. In short, while they were concerned to some extent, what was taking place in Poland did not seem to overly impress the Hungarian communist leader at first.

Kalter Krieg - a TL of a three way cold war | Page 22 | Alternate History Discussion

They could even contrast their achievements with the ongoing failures of Poland. Thus, the Polish crises in some sense even helped them reassert the propagandistic notion of a different, stable, efficient and legitimate socialist regime. With the prolongation of the Polish crisis, however, the attitude of the Hungarian leadership turned harsher. This meant to him in concrete terms that Hungary could press for acceptance into the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to gain Western credits; these deals were concluded in In other words, the essentially loyalist Hungarian foreign policy line could increasingly be supplemented by steps its leadership perceived to be in its own interests and those of its country, but not necessarily in line with Soviet orthodoxy or concrete Soviet recommendations.

As it would turn out, Western credits contributed to the maintenance of acceptable living standards in communist Hungary throughout the s, but at the cost of deeper indebtedness. In short, the level of Hungarian indebtedness might to some extent be considered an unintended and clearly ironic consequence of the declaration of martial law in Poland. The originally less intolerant Hungarian attitude towards the Polish crisis was reflected in the Hungarian press as well. Its unfolding was depicted in a more complex manner than in the press of other state socialist regimes — even though the central ambiguities were clearly in line with the demands of a centralized state.

The initial official approach to reporting on Polish developments was that campaign-like propaganda must be avoided. The Hungarian authorities believed that the most efficient way to proceed would be not to highlight the Polish issue much at all. Even though not ruling out some vulgar abusive and language directed at Solidarity, this implied a relatively reserved tone and occasionally allowed for differentiated content. In all likelihood, this approach to Polish developments proved more credible than the employment of hardline communist phraseology would have done.

Hungarian press propaganda preferred to highlight the unruliness, poverty and laziness of the Poles as well as the supposedly resulting financial burden on Hungary. While explicit antipathy for the cause of Solidarity was not exceptional in Hungary either, and the worsening stereotypes of Poles were certainly politically embedded, the great majority of those Hungarians who were impacted by Hungarian propaganda did not in all likelihood explicitly think of it in terms of pro-communist mobilization of opinion.

In other words, I would argue that Hungarians did not like Poles less in the s than previously because of their knowledge about and negative assessment of the cause of Solidarity, but rather because they had hardly any concrete information on Solidarity and simultaneously were the recipients of anti-Polish messages. Curiously, strikes were practically always depicted as problems only of the recent past: they were constantly reported to have just ended.

In short, what top leaders said was reported instead of what was going on in the country. The recommendation of the Hungarian party daily was that Poland should introduce complex economic reforms. Soon, however, the tone changed significantly. Significantly, the Hungarian party daily now also began translating Russian-language articles on Poland. The first of these appeared on 25 November The contents of these translated articles were markedly different from the usual veiled reports and ambivalent assessments written by Hungarian journalists.