But he still refused to talk. Chang then arrived, angrily protesting the situation. He then told Horace, Radzinsky and the others to stop the drilling at the Swan, and ordered the evacuation of the woman and children from the Island. Sawyer then proposed a deal to Radzinsky: if he and Juliet could leave the Island on the submarine, he would tell Radzinsky everything he wanted to know. He did not include his friends in the deal, curiously enough, only himself and Juliet. On the dock, Sawyer sarcastically quipped that he'd buy Microsoft and bet on the Cowboys in the Superbowl.
He apologized to Juliet and said that she was right three years ago, that he should have let her get on the submarine and leave. Juliet told Sawyer she was glad that she stayed behind. Once on the submarine, Juliet and Sawyer were handcuffed to a table in the ship's gallery. Juliet asked Sawyer what they would do when they get to Ann Arbor.
Sawyer replied that they aren't going to Ann Arbor, and that they'd be free in the "real world". Juliet chuckled saying she didn't even know what that meant anymore. They held hands and said that they loved each other. They were about to leave, when Phil brought Kate aboard the submarine, where she was cuffed with Sawyer and Juliet.
They gave each other awkward looks as the submarine departed from the Island. Kate tried to persuade Sawyer and Juliet to come back and stop Jack from detonating Jughead, but Sawyer stubbornly refused, saying he made a decision to leave and was sticking to it. Juliet then knocked out the DHARMA worker bringing around sedatives and told Sawyer that " we decided to leave", and that they couldn't let those people on the Island die. Sawyer sulkily agreed to go along. They held the submarine captain at gunpoint and told him to surface the sub, and said that after they left, they were not under any circumstances to return to the Island.
They rowed back to the Island using a raft from the sub. Upon getting back to the Island they spotted Vincent coming out of the jungle, followed by Rose and Bernard now sporting a beard , who claimed they had known about them all joining DHARMA but they were retired and this was the life they wanted to live. Upon being told about the bomb, Bernard said it didn't matter, all that mattered to them was that they were together. Sawyer then cast an affectionate look towards an oblivious Kate, which did not go unnoticed by Juliet. Rose then pointed them in the right direction to the Barracks.
Sawyer asked to speak to Jack, who agreed to five minutes. Out in the jungle, Sawyer told Jack about his parents' murder-suicide, and his witness to the tragedy. Knowing when it happened, he could have gotten on the sub and stopped his dad from killing anyone, but he didn't, because "what's done is done". Jack told him it didn't have to be that way and it was his destiny to change all of their fates. Sawyer said he didn't believe in destiny, and he asked Jack what he wanted out of all of this. Jack told Sawyer that he had Kate and he lost her. Sawyer in exasperation tried to tell him if he wanted Kate back, all he had to do was talk to her.
When Jack said it was "too late", Sawyer reminded him that if his "reset" plan worked, he and Kate would be strangers, and she'd be on her way to prison. When even this failed to sway Jack, Sawyer decided he had had enough and punched him in the face. After a fierce brawl, Sawyer pinned Jack and demanded to know if he would stop his mission. Jack refused and Sawyer continued to beat him until Juliet intervened, shouting at Sawyer to stop.
As Sawyer attempted to explain himself, Juliet told him that Jack was right, and that she was going to help him. Sawyer demanded to know where all this was coming from, as she was the one who told him to come back to stop Jack. Juliet told him it was because she saw him look at Kate.
She said she loved him but she knew they weren't meant to be together. She said that if Jack changed everything, she would have never met him, but it would save her the pain of having to lose him. She walks away, leaving Sawyer stunned. Later as they walked back to the van, they passed Jack, who looked at Sawyer and said simply, "See you in Los Angeles". Out by the van, Miles began to question whether or not what Jack was doing would cause the Incident, rather then prevent it.
When Kate and Jin spotted Phil and the security team headed towards the Swan, Sawyer questioned Juliet whether they should help. She replies "live together, die alone", and they head off. The van pulled up in time to help Jack, and a firefight ensued between the DI team and the castaways. Sawyer was nearly shot by a DI worker above him, but it was Kate who had his back that time as she shot the worker dead. Sawyer grabbed Phil and forced the others to drop their weapons. He shouted at Jack to drop the bomb, and he exchanged a sad look with Juliet as Jack threw Jughead into the well.
After a few moments it became apparent that the bomb had failed to detonate, prompting Sawyer to grumble that they were not at LAX. Then a deep hum started far below ground, as all the metallic objects in the vicinity started to be pulled into the well. Phil managed to grab a rifle and threatened Sawyer, when rebar being yanked towards the well, impaling Phil in the chest. When Juliet was caught in chains and pulled into the hole, Kate grabbed the chains and held on long enough for Sawyer to hear her calls for help.
Desperate, he grabbed Juliet's hand and held on, telling her not to let go. But it was to no avail, Juliet saw that the scaffolding was collapsing and would take all three of them down, and she told Sawyer she loved him before letting go. Sawyer became despondent with grief, and Jack and Kate were forced to drag him off the structure before it collapsed. Sawyer survived the detonation of Jughead , and woke up adjacent to the Hatch crater. Upon seeing the crater, Sawyer angrily kicked Jack into the hole, believing that the plan had failed. Kate quickly stepped in to prevent a fight. An argument erupted between Jack and Sawyer, one which was promptly interrupted by Kate, hearing Juliet 's muffled cries for help.
Sawyer, Jack, Kate, Jin and Miles turned their attention towards freeing Juliet, who was trapped under a massive amount of metal. Inside, he found a badly injured, but still alive, Juliet. Moving away some wreckage, he took Juliet into his arms, comforting her. They kissed, and just as Juliet told Sawyer that she had something important to tell him, she died. As he was carrying Juliet's body out of the twisted metal, Sawyer stared hatefully at Jack, and said, "You did this.
Later, Sawyer asked Miles to help bury Juliet's body. After they had buried her, Sawyer demanded that Miles use his gift to determine what Juliet had to tell him. Despite Miles' claims that he cannot make his ability work, Sawyer threatened him, and Miles heard Juliet's last thoughts, "It worked," relaying them to a confused Sawyer. Afterwards, Sawyer, along with Miles, was captured by the Others and brought to the Temple , although Sawyer put up a considerable fight.
After coming back to consciousness, he found himself alongside the other survivors, he informed Kate that he didn't want to kill Jack, saying "he deserves to suffer on this rock just like the rest of us. After Sayid awoke, Sawyer asked Kate how many guards she thought there were, indicating that he was planning on making a break for it. After grabbing a gun from one of the Others, Sawyer escaped the Temple, warning them not to follow him.
A distraught Sawyer was next seen tearing up the floor boards in his house at the Barracks and recovering a box from underneath them. He then heard someone inside the house and threatened to shoot them, until he realized that it was Kate. The two then had a discussion on the submarine jetty where Kate began to apologize for Juliet's death, blaming herself for it because she convinced Juliet to return to the Island to stop Jack's attempt.
However, Sawyer stopped her and said that it was his fault, saying that he convinced her not to leave the Island three years before because he did not want to be alone. Sawyer then revealed to Kate that he was intending to propose to Juliet and threw the ring into the water. Sawyer almost immediately saw through the Man in Black's disguise as John Locke , and demanded to know who he was and what he wanted.
The Man in Black replied that he wanted Sawyer to accompany him, and Sawyer eventually agreed. During their trek, they encountered a strange boy in the jungle. The Man in Black was surprised to learn that Sawyer could see him too, and pursued the boy deep into the jungle, leaving Sawyer all alone. Shortly after, Sawyer was found by Richard , who attempted to get him to go back to the Temple, claiming that the Man in Black was planning to kill him and all of his friends. However, at that moment, the Man in Black returned, and Richard was forced to retreat back into the jungle.
When asked who he was talking to, Sawyer lied and said he had not been talking to anyone. Sawyer continued to grow wary of the Man in Black, and, eventually, heeding Richard's warnings, pulled a gun on him. When he demanded to know who or what the Man in Black was, the Man in Black responded by telling him that he had been a man once. He knew what pain felt like, and suffering. He even knew what it felt like "to lose somebody you love". Sawyer, subdued, put away the gun and continued traveling with the Man in Black.
At the end of their journey, they arrived at a steep cliff leading straight down to the ocean. The Man in Black descended a long wooden ladder, and Sawyer followed carefully. The Man in Black then moved himself onto a rope ladder just alongside the wooden ladder, seconds before the wooden ladder snapped beneath Sawyer's weight.
The Man in Black grabbed Sawyer as he fell past, and pulled him onto the rope ladder, thereby saving his life. The two then entered a large cave, where the Man in Black promptly removed a white stone from a scale and threw it into the water, referring to it as an "inside joke". He then led Sawyer deeper into the cave, to a room with a ceiling carved with names of six of the survivors of Oceanic , along with many other crossed out names, each corresponding with a number.
The Man in Black stated, "this is why you are all here". He revealed to Sawyer that Jacob had made him a candidate, a protector of the Island. He had three choices: to do nothing, to become Jacob's "puppet", or to accompany the Man in Black off the Island. Sawyer chose the third option. Under unknown circumstances, Sawyer arrived at Claire's hut , one or two days after his encounter with the Man in Black at the cliffside cave and woke a captive Jin up.
Jin insisted that they escaped the hut as fast as possible, but Sawyer replied he was with Locke. He added that he knew that the man he was following wasn't really Locke, but he didn't care as long as he got them off the Island. At that moment, the Man in Black arrived with his new recruits from the Temple , including Kate and Sayid. Sawyer later discussed the whereabouts of their friends with Kate who also questioned him about his alliance. Sawyer replied he was with nobody. The group trekked until MIB stated there was a clearing ahead and that they would camp for several days.
Sawyer interrupted and demanded to know when they would be getting off the Island. The Man in Black appeared annoyed and insulated James so they could talk in private. They arrived at a beach with a view of the Hydra Island. He added that there was a plane there which they would use to fly off the Island and furthermore reassured James that nobody would hurt him because "[Sawyer] is the best liar [he has] ever met". Sawyer obeyed and took an outrigger to the Hydra Island. Some time later, James discovered the plane as well as a pile of decaying bodies—the former passengers of the flight.
At that moment, he noticed Zoe , a woman who introduced herself as the only survivor of the Ajira massacre. It was, however, evident that she was lying. When Sawyer attempted to pull his gun on her, four armed men appeared from the bushes, took him prisoner, and led him to Widmore's submarine at the Hydra Island dock. Zoe introduced him to Charles Widmore himself. Sawyer attempted to make a deal with him: he promised he would bring the Man in Black to Widmore's doorstep so Widmore could kill him, as long as he and his people would get a safe passage off the Island.
Widmore accepted the deal. When Sawyer returned to the main Island, he revealed everything he had noticed in Widmore's sub to the Man in Black, including his own deal with him. After nightfall, however, Sawyer joined Kate next to a fire and revealed to her that his intention was to leave the Island by Widmore's sub, not the plane. The next night, as Jin prepared to leave the camp, Sawyer approached him and asked where he planned on going.
As Sawyer attempted to explain that he had a deal with Widmore , Jin continued to refuse, saying that he was going to go look for Sun. Suddenly, along with the rest of the camp, the two were struck with darts and passed out. Zoe and Seamus came and took Jin. Later, when Locke returned to camp alone, Sawyer asked where Sayid was. Locke then proceeded to tell him that Sayid had stayed behind to find out exactly what Widmore had locked in the room on the submarine, stating that he didn't like secrets. When the other survivors arrived at the camp, Sawyer told Hurley they were going to use Charles Widmore 's submarine to escape the Island, Sayid was with the "dark side" so he was not invited.
Locke gave Sawyer a rough map to get a boat and to bring it to collect them all and take them to Hydra Island. Sawyer asked Kate to come with him. Sawyer whispered to Jack that he wasn't going to rendezvous with Locke but wanted him to find a way to sneak off with Sun, Hurley and Frank to meet them at an old dock. They would then all go to Hydra Island to meet Widmore, with whom he had a deal. They swam to the Elizabeth. When the others arrived at the boat, Kate convinced Claire to join them, against Sawyer's will.
When Jack told Sawyer he didn't want to leave the Island again, Sawyer ordered Jack to get off the boat and not talk that "crazy talk. Kate screamed at Sawyer and demanded that he turn the boat around to get Jack, but Sawyer refused her request. When Sawyer's group arrived at Hydra Island, it appeared that they had been betrayed and they were held at gunpoint by Widmore's men. After being provoked, Sawyer easily disarmed Widmore's goon Seamus of his rifle, and prepared to liberate the group. Order was quickly restored when Widmore grabbed Kate and held her at gunpoint, telling Sawyer that she was expendable since she was not on his list of four names, which included Ford, Reyes, and the Kwons.
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Kate protested, but Sawyer surrendered his weapon, and the survivors were locked in the cages. As Widmore directed them inside, he told Sawyer, "You may not believe this but I'm doing this for your own good," to which Sawyer replied, "You're right. I don't believe it. Later that night, Sawyer asked Kate if she remembered the cliffside cave he had told her about, where all the names were written, and confessed that her name was there too, but was crossed out, also saying, "He doesn't need you, Kate.
Jack grabbed the keys off of Seamus and freed the survivors from the cage. Locke came out of the plane with a brick of C4, explaining that Widmore's men had wired the aircraft to explode. Since they could not be sure that there were not more explosives on the plane, Locke directed that they would take Widmore's submarine. Sawyer pretended to agree with Locke, noting that he had been in favor of taking the sub all along.
On the march there, however, he secretly asked Jack to get Locke in the water when they arrived and make sure he did not board the submarine. When they reached the submarine, Sawyer led the first wave of survivors into the sub, including Frank, Sun, Jin, and Hurley. He and Frank quickly subdued the crew and hijacked the craft. While this was happening, a shootout began on the surface between the remaining survivors and Widmore's men, during which Kate was shot.
When Jack brought a wounded Kate into the sub, Sawyer headed to the surface hatch to grab Claire, who had remained behind fighting Widmore's men. When he reached the surface, he made the decision to abandon Claire to prevent Locke, who was running toward him, from reaching the hatch. Sawyer slammed the hatch closed, and told Frank to submerge the submarine. Jack was tending to Kate's wound, when he discovered the C4 bomb with a timer counting down in his backpack.
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After Sayid explained that the bomb could possibly be rendered inert by pulling both wires simultaneously, Sawyer made the decision to diffuse the bomb, Jack attempted to stop him, explaining that they were playing exactly into Locke's hands and if they did not touch the bomb, they would all be fine. You just have to trust me," he said. Sawyer could not trust Jack, and pulled the wires on the bomb.
For a moment, the timer stopped, at , then began counting down faster. Sayid ran with the bomb down the hall, saving the survivors from the brunt of the initial blast, and killing himself in the process. As Sun became pinned under a cabinet and pipes, Sawyer, Jack, and Jin worked to free her until Sawyer was hit in the head and knocked unconscious. Jack kept Sawyer above water, and tried to save Sun, until Jin ordered him to get out of the submarine and save Sawyer.
Using a small tank of oxygen, Jack swam with Sawyer to the surface, and was about to revive him when Sawyer coughed up water and began to breathe. Sawyer remained unconscious on the sand as Jack, Kate, and Hurley reunited on the beach and mourned the loss of Sun, Jin, and Sayid. Sawyer and Hurley watched as the sea washed up flotsam from the destroyed sub. At Jack's urging, they set off to find Desmond in the well that Sayid mentioned. As they hiked, a miserable Sawyer suggested that he himself was responsible for the deaths on the sub, because he attempted to diffuse the bomb against Jack's advice.
Jack insisted that Locke killed them. Later, the group met up with Jacob. After Sawyer challenged him, Jacob explained that he didn't drag anyone out of a happy existence but that they were all flawed. He said that he chose them because they were all like him - all alone, all looking for something that they couldn't find. He said he chose them because they needed the Island as much as the Island needed them this, in Sawyer's case, is true. Sawyer joined Jack, who was standing in the river, and asked him if he was O.
He then asked what was going on. When Jack explained everything to the remaining survivors, Sawyer guessed that Locke didn't have what he needed, which was Desmond. They all accepted that they didn't know much so Sawyer went to get Desmond out of the well while the others got ready to go to the heart of the Island.
Sawyer watched Locke by the well, until Ben came up behind, and pointed a cocked rifle at him and invited Sawyer to join them. Sawyer told Locke he came to get Desmond out of the well but when he looked down the well, he noted that they were both beaten to the punch. Sawyer guessed that Locke was here to get Desmond because Locke needed him to destroy the Island.
Locke confirmed that it was his plan but he was not going down with the ship like Sawyer and the rest of "Jacob's little candidates". Sawyer took the drop on Ben and punched him, taking his rifle and as he leaved, he said that they were not candidates anymore. Locke made no effort in chasing him. Sawyer found Jack, Kate and Hurley and told them Locke was going to destroy the island and mentioned the importance of them finding Desmond before Lock and Ben did. Kate snatched Sawyer's gun and shot at Locke, to no effect, while Sawyer tried to stop her.
Later, Sawyer asked Jack how he was going to kill Locke. Jack said it had to do with Desmond, that he thought Jacob brought him back not as bait but as a weapon. They moved through the bamboo forest and as they drew close to the Source, Locke drew his knife and said it should just be him, Jack and Desmond from here on, leaving the rest behind. When the storm came, Sawyer, Hurley, and Kate lifted the tree where Ben was trapped. Sawyer said Locke was right, the Island was going down, and they needed to get on that plane. After saying goodbye to Jack, Hurley and Ben, he and Kate jumped off a cliff and swam to the sailboat.
Once they arrived at Hydra Island, they saw Claire. While Kate convinced Claire to come along, Sawyer noted that they had to move and pointed at the Ajira plane. Arriving just in time, Sawyer, Kate and Claire boarded the plane, leaving the Island for good. In the flash sideways world , James's parents still died because of the con of Anthony Cooper, but he chose to be a police officer instead of being a confidence man. He was in Australia in search of Anthony Cooper, but it is unknown if he still killed a man while down under. He doesn't use the nickname "Sawyer". James, when walking down the aisle of the plane, accidentally bumped into Marshall Edward Mars , who told James to watch where he was going.
James stopped and apologized while looking and smiling at the woman sitting next to Mars, Kate Austen. During the flight, James overheard fellow passenger Hugo Reyes telling another passenger Leslie Arzt that he won the lottery. After Arzt left, James warned Hugo that he shouldn't tell people about winning the lottery because they'd take advantage of him.
Hugo, unconcerned, replied that that wouldn't happen because he was the luckiest man in the world. Later, when Cindy , the flight attendant, ran past James' seat with a first aid box, he stopped her and asked what was going on. She told him that everything was okay. As she left, James muttered sarcastically under his breath that everything seemed "peachy. When leaving the airport, James shared an elevator with Kate, and said to her that they were on the same flight. He then noticed that she was wearing handcuffs, which she tried to cover up with a jacket. The elevator stopped, and two airport security personnel entered.
When the elevator started again, a security alert came through on the security personnel's radio. James asked what the alert was, and one of the guards told him that it was confidential. The elevator stopped again, and James, assuming that the alert was about Kate, stopped the guards from getting off so that Kate could get a head start.
Pretending to be a con man, James took part in an undercover operation with the LAPD that led to the arrest of an actual con man's wife. When he arrived at his desk at the LAPD office the next day, James began to call a list of men named Anthony Cooper to inquire about whether they had been in Florida in As he was making the calls, Miles approached James' desk and James made a point of hiding what he was doing from Miles.
Miles asked about James' supposed trip to Palm Springs. James had previously lied to Miles by telling him that he was going to Palm Springs instead of Australia, so he became flustered when answering Miles' question. That night, James went on a blind date with Charlotte Lewis , a coworker of Miles' father. The date went well until Charlotte discovered a notebook labeled "Sawyer" at James' place. She opened the notebook and found that it contained personal information about the deaths of James' parents. When James saw Charlotte with the notebook, he became very angry and ordered her to leave.
The next day, James was confronted by an angry Miles, who discovered that James lied about being in Palm Springs. Miles was so livid that he told James he no longer wanted to be his partner. Later, while the two of them sat in James' parked car, James opened up to Miles and told him about his parents' past and the reason he went to Australia.
During this conversation, another car crashed into James'. The woman driving the car jumped out and fled into a nearby alley. The two men caught up to her and discovered that she was Kate Austen. That same day, James questioned Kate in the police station while waiting for the marshal to arrive. Miles interrupted their conversation so that he and James could go to Omer Jarrah 's house to arrest Sayid for murder. Later, Miles reminded James about the benefit concert set for that evening at the museum where Miles' father worked.
He jokingly asked James to go as his "date," but when James discovered that Charlotte would be there, he passed on the invitation. James then went over to the holding cells to hand over Sayid, Desmond and Kate for transfer to a prison. Kate made her last bid for James to let her go, but although he seemed tempted, he told her it was not going to happen.
James Ford readied for a day's work and saw the mirror he broke. Later that day, Miles thought he saw Sayid in the Hummer so he called Ford and got him to check that Sun Paik was all right at the Hospital. Once Ford got there, Jin and Sun smiled and said they were safe.
Ford was confused and said he had to do his job, but Sun said they'd see each other again the same night. Ford asked what that was supposed to mean but didn't get an answer. Later at the hospital, James asked Jack where he could buy some grub, and Jack said he should try the vending machines. When Sawyer's candy got stuck in the machine, Juliet came to help him. When she handed him the candy, he saw flashes of their relationship.
A warm reunion followed. They met up with the rest of the survivors in the church and James, now Sawyer again, moved on. Since the beginning, Sawyer put distance between himself and the other survivors, acting egocentric, outspoken and insensitive. Also, he has a dark sense of humor, making many cynical remarks and calling people by nicknames.
He often shows indifference, believing in the idea "every man for himself". Despite being immature, Sawyer is a very smart and talented liar, living through numerous cons. All of this is mostly a mask, because Sawyer wants to hide the pain he has felt since his childhood. Yet he has proven many times that he genuinely cares for his friends, having gone to far extents for them especially Kate and Claire numerous times.
When being protective, Sawyer makes threats to the enemies, that can come true he killed Tom for taking Walt away. Being one of the most intelligent survivors, many saw him as a would-be leader, a role he reluctantly accepted. When he has feelings for a woman, Sawyer can be emotional and give completely unexpected signs of kindness.
Sawyer loves to read and used to smoke at the start of the series. He is the male character that had the most sexual intercourse on and off the island. Sign In Don't have an account? Start a Wiki. Do you like this video? For the other man who used that alias, see Anthony Cooper. James "Sawyer" Ford. Portrayed by. The post was supposed to be lucrative to its holder, but Burke chose to reform it. Unfortunately, the Marquis died in the same year, and Burke was again out of a job.
Burke was again out of office when the coalition fell in and was replaced by a Tory ministry under the younger William Pitt. Burke was also active in Irish affairs during this period, mostly through private correspondence, and he had a significant influence in the continued relaxation of the Penal Laws against Catholics in Ireland. His Letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe is one piece of his writing on Irish affairs that was published in his lifetime.
Burke became a man without a party after his break in with Charles James Fox over the attitude to be taken toward the French Revolution. Rejected by his own party, he was not received by the governing Tories except as an occasionally useful ally. In , Burke also suffered the loss through death of both his brother Richard and his son Richard, Jr. But Burke did keep on living and writing.
The aristocratic order he so strenuously defended eventually died, and he can be praised or blamed only for having delayed its passing. But Burke lives on in his writings. In this volume, the pagination of E. Cross references have been changed to reflect the pagination of the current edition.
The use of double punctuation e. Those who wish to understand the nature and importance of his multifarious labours should make the acquaintance of his writings in the mass, and master them singly in detail. It has long been understood that he who gives his nights and days to this task will acquire a knowledge of the principles of general politics, of the limitations which modify those principles in our own national policy, of the questions with which that policy deals, and of the secret of applying the English tongue to their illustration, which cannot be acquired in any other way.
In the prosecution of this task the student will learn the practical importance of the maxim laid down in the Preface to a previous volume of this series, that all study, to be useful, must be pursued in a spirit of deference. He will find it necessary to exert an unusual degree of patience, and to acquire the habit of continually suspending his own judgment. He will find himself in contact with much that seems dry and uninviting. It may therefore be well to caution him at the outset, that Burke, like all writers of the first class, will not repay a prejudiced or a superficial perusal.
He gains upon us, not altogether by the inherent interest of what he presents to us, but very much by the skill and force with which he presents it, and Edition: current; Page: [  ] these qualities do not immediately strike the mental eye in all their fulness. The reader must meet his author half-way; he must contribute something more than a bare receptivity.
It has been well said of Paradise Lost, that while few general readers are attracted by Edition: orig; Page: [ vi ] the subject, and fewer read it through, or often enough to discern the art with which it is written, every one who has once mastered it recurs to it with never-failing delight. There could not be a finer definition of a classical author, and it exactly describes Burke.
As a party politician he seems to stand too near to our own times to permit of our regarding him fairly and comprehensively. Why this should be so, in a case separated by a whole century from the present generation, it is difficult to see; but sufficient evidence of the fact may be gathered from the writings of party men down to our own day.
Political parties will always divide civilised nations, and no Englishman can altogether dismiss the party relations of any celebrated politician. The coalition of , in which he took an active part, is not one of the most creditable incidents in our political annals, 2 and he Edition: current; Page: [  ] shared fully in the bitter and ungenerous hostility with which his party treated its Whig rivals.
His best efforts, if we except his advocacy of the cause of American liberty, are outside the policy of his party. Whiggism had small sympathy with religious freedom for Ireland, with humane and rational government in India, with the abolition of Slavery, or with the denunciation of its own caricature in the first French Republic. We must therefore regard Burke in a light different from that of party statesmanship.
The first question that is suggested on finding the political writings of an eminent party leader ranked among literary classics, is—What marks distinguish these writings from the common mass of political ephemera? By the virtue of what elements was a value communicated to them, extending, in the eyes of contemporaries, far beyond that of the arguments they enforced, the expedients they favoured, and the present effect they produced; and in the eyes of posterity, equally far beyond their worth as part of the annals of party, and as materials Edition: current; Page: [  ] for general history?
It is an insufficient answer to such questions to say that Burke was a politician and something more, in the sense in which we should say the same, for instance, of Sheridan. The personal triumphs of Sheridan may indeed be said to exceed, in the mass, those of any genius on record, not excepting Pericles himself. To speak all the day, with overpowering effect, in Westminster Hall—to go in succession to the theatres, and see in each a masterpiece of his own, played by the first of actors—at night, to repeat in Parliament the feat of the morning—in all these, constantly to have the eyes of a nation upon him, and the plaudits of a nation in his ears—this seems like the realisation of as wild a dream as ever flattered the ignorance of young ambition.
The triumphs of Burke were of another kind. From the first he astonished: but he never attained the art of carrying a Parliamentary audience with him. He was too severe to persuade, and too bold to convince, a body to most of whom his philosophy was a stumblingblock and his statesmanship foolishness.
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Brougham considered this by far the finest of his orations, and it certainly contains his finest exordium. But no one listened to it, or seemed to understand it. Erskine slept through the five hours which it occupied in delivery, though he afterwards thumbed the printed copy to rags. Never, says Dr. Goodrich, was there a greater union of brilliancy and force, or a more complete triumph over the difficulties of a subject. Near its close, Pitt asked Lord Grenville whether it would be necessary to reply.
The speech may with perfect safety be passed over in silence. But while the speeches of Sheridan are read once, and then laid on the shelf, the writings of Burke are the daily bread of statesmen, speakers, and political writers. We cannot take up a review or newspaper without finding some trace, however faint, of their effect. Similarly, as Coleridge says, the very sign-boards of our inns afford evidence that there was once a Titian in the world.
We cannot peruse the speeches of any successful modern orator, without observing how much they owe to the method, the phraseology, the images, and even the quotations of Burke. To him may be applied with truth the epitaph of Ennius. The speeches of Canning are especially recommended as an example of what a clever man, without much originality, may make of himself with the aid of Burke.
It seems to dazzle the strong intellect more effectually than the feeble. It has been well said that Burke sways the mass of intelligent and cultivated readers with almost as little resistance as a demagogue experiences from a mob. In the endeavour Edition: orig; Page: [ ix ] to penetrate the cause of this we shall not be much assisted by any criticism specially directed to the subject, though many capable men have penned such criticisms at greater or less length. Hazlitt, who has left two contradictory estimates of Burke, is the most conspicuous exception: and he, in another work, has admitted the futility of the attempt.
The student will beware of falling into this error. In this way will an idea gradually be created, not to be got at second-hand, and a species of faith in his author will be generated, which will end in the disappearance of seeming discrepancies. He devoted much of his toil to demolishing the modern school of philosophy, but the philosophers, both in Germany and in France, have forced him into their systems. He was born to a position outside the religious controversies of the day, 5 and he confirmed himself in it by deliberation; but his extreme tolerance has exposed him to the claims of both parties.
The Catholics tell us that he was really a Catholic, or would have been so if he had lived in our own time. He has often been quoted, like Scripture, for and against the same doctrine. Even the democrats admire him and approve him exceedingly, although they have somewhat against him.
They did the same in his lifetime. This multifarious praise is balanced by a general outcry against him for deserting his early convictions. Edition: orig; Page: [ x ] He has left behind him two separate and distinct armouries of opinion, from which both Whig and Tory may furnish themselves with weapons, the most splendid, if not the most highly tempered, that ever Genius and Eloquence have condescended to bequeath to Party.
Burke was mighty in either camp: and it would have taken two great men to effect what he, by this division of himself, achieved. His mind, indeed, lies parted asunder in his works, like some vast continent severed by a convulsion of nature—each portion peopled by its own giant race of opinions, differing altogether in features and language, and committed in eternal hostility with each other.
This inconsistency was accounted for easily enough—in the last decade of his life he was alleged to be mad. Even Mr. Cobden echoed this cry. Burke lent support to this silly notion, by speaking of the decay of his powers in his last years, while he was preaching his crusade against the Republic with a force that seemed superhuman, and with a spirit that bordered on fanaticism. But it was reserved for Mr. The term inconsistency may be used in different ways to imply charges of very various kinds. He often acts, in consequence, in ways which seem, and may really be, inconsistent. He reaches the climax of inconsistency by deliberately changing his opinions, and with them his course of policy.
Such a change, accompanied by a frank avowal of the fact, and an exposition of his reasons, was that of a great modern statesman on the question of the Irish Church. But the inconsistency which lies in acting differently under different circumstances, with the same radical views, does not come under any of these heads. But on the first day the wind was in the south-west, on the second day in the north-east. Of this nature was the inconsistency of Burke.
He maintained to the last the perfect consistency of his political opinions. He valued himself upon it. Strip him of this, and you leave him naked indeed. We will not limit this term to the attitude or principles of the political party which is at this day in possession of it. By conservatism is meant that preference for and indulgence to what is already established, that faith in what has been tried, and that distrust of what exists only in speculation, which never wholly forsakes every sound politician, of whatever party.
Passing from sentiment to logic, we might describe it, in the words of a German philosopher, as a system which holds the thinking away of what exists, and the thinking back in its place of what does not, to be the root of fallacies. It indicates that memorable group of principles which are enforced in the Reflections on the French Revolution. Croker, in the Quarterly Review, is said to have first given the term an English application, and Canning, who drew so largely from the later statesmanship of Burke, seems to have fixed it in English parlance.
Since it has become a party name, it has of course incurred the liability common to all party names of losing not only its original meaning, but all vestige of any meaning whatsoever. The vicissitudes of such names are curious. Supporters of the court, of the great families, and of the rights of the people, all boasted of it, much as contending sectaries might claim the honoured title of Christian. It was understood to imply exalted sentiments of constitutional liberty. When it was introduced into our classical literature, the loyalty of a Tory was compared with the courtesy of a fasting bear.
Now the Whiggism of the last century was in nearly every respect more conservative than are the principles of any party which exists at present. Nearly all reforming measures proceeded from the Tories, and jealousy for the constitution was Edition: orig; Page: [ xiii ] the cardinal virtue of the Whigs. The army, the national debt, and the septennial parliament were indeed important protections to the settlement of the crown made on the Revolution, and they gradually grew so firmly into the framework of the state Edition: current; Page: [  ] that these sneers in time lost their place among the commonplaces of Toryism.
As the Tories became reconciled to the Hanoverian succession, they took up a more practicable line. The influence enjoyed by Whig ministers was enormous. The first and second Georges were mere puppets in their hands. Within the limits of their court, these sovereigns were encouraged to do as they pleased, but they were never suffered to take part in the actual conduct of the state. If the old phalanx of Whigs had held together, they might have despised their assailants. But when Burke entered political life, the great Whig party, which included most of the great territorial families, had split into sections.
What may be called the Edition: current; Page: [  ] legitimate section of the party, that which had for several years been under the leadership of a member of the house of Pelham, had degenerated into a remnant, or as it was called in coarse old political English, a Rump. A fourth section, that which could have lent overwhelming weight to either of the others, and had from Edition: orig; Page: [ xiv ] to constituted the strength of the legitimate section, but which, standing by itself, was the weakest, was composed of the followers of the popular war minister, Lord Chatham.
Such divisions were naturally the one thing needful to give effect to a policy of aggression on the part of the court. It was the first, which we have called the legitimate section of the party, then headed by the Marquis of Rockingham, into which Burke happened to be thrown. The sympathies of readers of the present day will probably be divided, as the sympathies of the mass of the people at the time were probably divided, between this party and that which lay under the influence of Chatham. Chatham, with the legitimate Whigs at his back, had been a brilliant, a popular, and a successful minister.
But Chatham was no Whig at heart. His powerful influence was of a personal nature, and he despised Whiggism. The best men, by this system, were excluded from the highest offices. The chief arts which recommended to these were private deceit and public corruption. The whipper-in of an old premier, being an influential peer or near relative of an influential peer, had a right to expect the premiership in his turn.
His business was to study the temper of the House of Commons, and to lead it by the nose; to cajole or intimidate the monarch, and to drain the Treasury to enrich his friends, supporters and parasites. It was not likely that under such a system statesmanship could rise to a very high level. Chatham became gradually weary of the supremacy of men whose title to power lay outside their personal capabilities.
It was a signal failure, and was probably the most miserable administration that England has ever seen. The consequences were disastrous. The Whigs went over to it in bodies, America was lost, and England was brought to the verge of Revolution. The principal historical thread which runs through the Edition: current; Page: [  ] present volume is that of this contest between the King and the Whigs. Edition: orig; Page: [ xv ] The King fought his battle manfully, held each position, as it yielded to him, tenaciously, and gained his victory—though ingloriously.
It would have been otherwise had America been compelled to submission. But America and Reform were the sacrifices made to secure his success. A dispassionate critic might possibly sympathise with him in this struggle for what many would regard as his natural rights. He bribed; he bullied; he darkly dissembled on occasion; he exercised a slippery perseverance, which one almost admires, as one thinks his character over. His courage was never to be beat. It trampled North under foot; it beat the stiff neck of the younger Pitt; even his illness never conquered that indomitable spirit.
Corruption, in fact, was the only weapon with which to combat corruption. The chief point for the student to observe is, that all his measures were innovations, attacks on existing interests, and reforms more or less impolitic and mischievous. The setting up of Lord Bute was intended as a reform. The sham Chatham cabinet, however, was at bottom the boldest innovation, and if Townshend had carried out, as he probably would had he lived, the idea of parcelling out America into Royal Governments, the foundation would have been laid of a reform which, supposing a little less public spirit than actually existed among the upper classes, might have ended in reducing England to the model of contemporary continental governments.
The taxation of America was the Edition: current; Page: [  ] thin end of the wedge, and it was a happy thing for England and the world that it was so heroically resisted. The experiment of a ministry headed by a favourite was a conspicuous failure: but the succeeding administrations were an apprenticeship in kingcraft, and with Lord North as an instrument, the King appears, if not a finished master, at least as something better than a bungler. Like most monarchs by hereditary title, he was totally unfitted to direct the policy Edition: orig; Page: [ xvi ] of his country.
He was, however, a fair specimen of the active and popular monarch. Modelling himself, not on those who preceded him, but on the noblemen by whom he was surrounded, he devoted such talents as he had to the duties which he conceived to claim them, and he was rewarded by a full measure of popularity. The impression he left on the hearts of the nation, an index not without its value, comes nearer than any other we could mention to that left by the great Queen Elizabeth.
He was certainly not more ignorant or prejudiced than the bulk of his subjects. Where he erred, he erred with the nation. The reaction against the Whigs, which ended in their practical extinction, was a national reaction. The American War was favoured by pampered national pride, and its great failure was a national lesson. The topics of Whiggism in do not in themselves greatly stir the reader of history. Some of them were stale, others worn to rags. Years before the terrible spectre of a Double Cabinet arose to confound the Whigs and alarm the Edition: current; Page: [  ] susceptibilities of a free nation, statesmen were pretty well agreed as to the meaning of Parliamentary independence.
The whole nation, writes Pulteney to Swift, is so abandoned and corrupt, that the Crown can never fail of a majority in both Houses of Parliament. The precarious nature of the Whig domination, for which Burke contends as earnestly as for some elementary principle of morals, had long been known. Their fall, under changed circumstances, was imminent. Edition: orig; Page: [ xvii ] Chesterfield said that until he read that tract he did not know what the English language was capable of. It contains nothing specially of a Tory nature in its arguments, and is in fact a piece of the purest Whiggism.
Modern liberalism has a creed which differs Edition: current; Page: [  ] widely from either. Bolingbroke had no hopes except from a liberal monarch. Burke rested his system upon an oligarchy of liberal noblemen and landowners. We can now, thanks to the diffusion of wealth and education, appeal securely to a liberal people. How shall we reconcile all this with the reputation which Burke justly enjoys of being himself a great reformer, and the father of the present generation of reformers? The fact is, that liberalism has always rested upon the positions which it has won, and that the same man may often be fairly regarded in two aspects.
An early employment of his pen was to ridicule, by imitation, the Irish democrat Lucas. Another was to expose in a similar way the all-unsettling speculations of Bolingbroke. Johnson bore a remarkable testimony Edition: orig; Page: [ xviii ] to the nature of these early principles. He hated the party in which his friend had found himself by accident, and confirmed himself by consideration; and he charged Burke with selling himself, and acting contrarily to his convictions. It is certain that Burke never thought he was deserting any principle of his own, in joining the Rockinghams.
He had an old and most respectable Edition: current; Page: [  ] connexion to support, and a new and disreputable one to oppose; and his party were at the time devoted to opposing certain most impolitic innovations. Hazlitt has observed a remarkable anticipation of the political method of Burke in a speech of the Earl of Egmont, 14 a nobleman of remarkable originality and capacity who had been the head of opposition to Dodington in the court of Leicester House.
Sir, it is not common sense, but downright madness, to follow general principles in this wild manner, without limitation or reserve; and give me leave to say one thing, which I hope will be long remembered and well thought upon by those who hear me, that those gentlemen who plume themselves upon their open and extensive understanding, are in fact the men of the narrowest principles in the kingdom. For what is a narrow mind? And pray, what is that understanding that looks upon naturalization only in this general view, that naturalization is an increase of the people, and an increase of the people is the riches of the nation?
Never admitting the least reflection, what the people are you let in upon us; how in the present bad regulation Edition: orig; Page: [ xix ] of our police, they are to be employed or maintained; how their principles, opinions, or practice may influence the religion or politicks of the State, or what operation their admission may have upon the peace and tranquillity of the country; is not such a genius equally contemptible and narrow with that of the poorest mortal upon earth, who grovels for his whole life within the verge of the opposite extreme?
It is not difficult to trace this anti-theoretical and conservative method in the works before us, written whilst Burke was labouring on the Whig side. Never did the spirit of conservatism appear more plainly than in the two famous Speeches contained in the present volume, which he composed, delivered, and wrote out for the press on two important occasions in the debates before the war actually broke out. The view of Montesquieu, Blackstone, and De Lolme was not yet treated, as it came to be treated in the succeeding generation, as a plausible romance.
But the false picture of a supposed Saxon constitution was constantly held up to view by reformers, in contrast with that which subsisted. This picture Burke treated with the slight regard it deserved. But these are themselves historical. It is well known that every title in the House of Lords was anciently, if not elective, intended to represent local interests.
The Lords represented themselves, and those who stood in the relation of homage to them. The Knights of the Shires and Burgesses represented themselves, and those freemen who, being in homage with no man, would otherwise have had no voice in the national deliberations. The People deliberating and making laws, and the King controlling by his negative; the King deliberating and making choice of ministers, and the People having the control of their negative by refusing to support them. Here, he says in effect, I lay before you the established rights of the nation; and here, too, is the system by which these rights have always been carried into effect.
That system has been Edition: orig; Page: [ xxi ] deranged by an interested and wicked faction, and we claim to have it restored; because it is not only the best possible, but the only possible system by which these rights can be secured. Possession, he said in one of his writings, passed with him for title.
This was in a particular case; but where interests were large, and meddling with them would be hazardous, it became his general maxim. The Whig oligarchy, according to this convenient theory, had an established title to govern the kingdom. And rotten and incongruous as was the parliamentary system through which alone their influence could be maintained, none was to disturb it. A Ministry accountable to Parliament, and a Parliament accountable to the People, are plausible demands, and they are Edition: current; Page: [  ] demands which a happier generation has realised.
But the consequences of a considerable majority for a single Whig minister, as in the palmy days of Walpole, were a ministry accountable to no one, and a parliament forced on the people whether they liked it or no. Radical reform, as between the two, was as far off as ever, and the Whig opposed it with the most bitterness. A slight concussion might destroy that of his rival, and hence the strongholds of Whiggism were guarded with great jealousy and vigilance. The Whig, in short, was a true Conservative. The cry for radical reform is usually supported by some plausible Edition: orig; Page: [ xxii ] general maxim.
Conservatism is averse from the employment of abstract principles in political reasoning, and in general to what metaphysicians call the philosophical method. It is a matter of observation and of practice, and its laws are those of individual human nature enlarged. Abstract principles, like most things, have their use and their abuse: and the confusion of these has been a main difficulty to the thinking world. To the use of them we owe all our systems, and the effect of our systems, of religion, of law, and of education.
All great changes for the better have been produced by engrafting upon the growing understanding of mankind, not bare statements of facts, but generalisations based on facts past and present, and proceeding transitively to other facts present and future. But while these principles in their use have been to civilisation as the dew and the rain, in their abuse they have been a mildew and a pestilence.
What they have nourished they have the Edition: current; Page: [  ] power to corrupt and to destroy. As an instance of an abstract principle often misapplied, let us take that which asserts the cheapest government to be the best. He did not agree with some writers, that that mode of government is necessarily the best which is the cheapest. He saw in the construction of society other principles at work, and other capabilities of fulfilling the desires and perfecting the nature of man, besides those of securing the equal enjoyment of the means of animal life, and doing this at as little expense as possible.
He thought that the wants and happiness of man were not to be provided for as we provide for those of a herd of cattle, merely by attending to their physical necessities. He thought more nobly of his fellows. He knew that man had his affections, and passions, and powers of imagination, as well as hunger and thirst, and the sense of heat and cold. He took his idea of political society from the pattern of private life, wishing, as he himself Edition: orig; Page: [ xxiii ] expresses it, to incorporate the domestic charities with the orders of the state, and to blend them together.
He strove to establish an analogy between the compact that binds together the community at large, and that which binds together the several families which compose it. He knew that the rules that form the basis of private morality are not founded in reason; that is, in the abstract properties of those things which are the subjects of them, but in the nature of man, and his capacity of being affected by certain things from habit, from imagination, and sentiment, as well as from reason.
Thus, the reason why a man ought to be attached to his wife and family is not, surely, that they are better than others for in this case every one else ought to be of the same opinion , but because he must be chiefly interested in those things which are nearest to him, and with which he is best acquainted, since his understanding cannot reach equally to everything; 20 because he must be most Edition: current; Page: [  ] attached to those objects which he has known the longest, and which by their situation have actually affected him the most, not those which are in themselves the most affecting, whether they have ever made any impression on him or no: that is, because he is by his nature the creature of habit and feeling, and because it is reasonable that he should act in conformity to his nature.
He was therefore right in saying, that it is no objection to an institution, that it is founded on prejudice, but the contrary, if that principle is natural and right: that is, if it arises from those circumstances which are properly subjects of feeling and association, not from any defect or perversion of the understanding in those things which fall properly under its jurisdiction. On this profound maxim he took his stand. Thus he contended that the prejudice in favour of nobility was natural and proper, and fit to be encouraged by the positive institutions of society, not on account of the real or personal merit of the individual, but because such an institution has a tendency to enlarge and raise the mind, to keep alive the memory of past greatness, to connect the different ages of the world together, to carry back the imagination over a long tract of time, and feed it with the contemplation of remote events: because it is natural to think highly of that which inspires us with high thoughts, which has been connected for many generations with splendour, with power, and with permanence.
He also conceived that by transferring the respect from the person to the thing, and thus rendering it steady and permanent, the mind would be habitually formed to habits of deference, attachment, and fealty, to whatever else demanded its respect: that it would be led to fix its views on what was elevated and lofty, and be weaned from the low and narrow jealousy which never willingly or heartily admits of Edition: orig; Page: [ xxiv ] any superiority in others, and is glad of any opportunity to bring down all excellence to a level with its own miserable standard.
Nobility did not therefore exist to the prejudice of the other orders of the state, but by and for them. The inequality of the different orders of society did not destroy the unity and harmony of the whole. The health and well-being of the moral world was to be promoted by the same means as the beauty of the natural world; by contrast, by change, by light and shade, by variety of parts, by order and proportion. To think of reducing all mankind to the same insipid level, seemed to him the same absurdity as to destroy the inequalities of surface in a country for the benefit of agriculture and commerce.
In short, he believed that the interests of men in society should be consulted, and their several stations and employments assigned with a view of their nature not as physical, but as moral beings, so as to nourish their hopes, to Edition: current; Page: [  ] lift their imagination, to enliven their fancy, to rouse their activity, to strengthen their virtue, and to furnish the greatest number of objects of pursuit and means of employment, to beings constituted as man is, consistently with the order and stability of the whole. The same reasoning might be extended further. I do not say that his arguments are conclusive: but they are profound and true as far as they go.
There may be disadvantages and abuses necessarily interwoven with his scheme, or opposite advantages of infinitely more value, to be derived from another state of things and state of society. This Burke has done in a masterly manner. He presents to you one view or face of society. Let him who thinks he can, give the reverse side with equal force, beauty, and clearness.
It is said, I know, that truth is one; but to this I cannot subscribe, for it appears to me truth is many. There are as many truths as there are things, and causes of action, and contradictory principles, at work in society. In making up the account of good and evil, indeed, the final result must be one way or the other; but the particulars on which that result depends are infinite and various. Edition: orig; Page: [ xxv ] The discovery of these things, these causes of action, these contradictory principles, is the first business of the statesman.
No man can speculate properly on what things ought to be, who has not previously devoted his whole energies to the discovery of what they are. No man is entitled to criticise the abuse, who has not fully mastered the idea of the use of an institution. Here, indeed, we have arrived at the main point in Burke. Just as, in his Treatise on the Sublime Edition: current; Page: [  ] and Beautiful, he did not aim at shewing the defects of these venerable ideas, or that people often judged by a false standard, but that the traditional ideas of the mass of mankind are sure, in the long run, to be correct, and to be confirmed by being explained and elucidated, so in dealing with social and political ideas, he always took his stand upon those in general currency, and sought to explain and confirm them.
The best instructor is not he who describes the excellences of some wonderful thing which we cannot get, but he who explains and shows us how to use or to improve something which we have got. It is easy to imagine other states of society, but it is difficult to learn the true bearings of our own. The sense of political objects does not come by nature. A partial view, in politics, distorts the judgment, and destroys the mental balance; in no science is it so true that a little learning is a dangerous thing.
Burke will always stand forth as a man whose political knowledge was complete. He was therefore, though a reformer, incapable of rash and inconsiderate action. The man who has arrived at a view of the whole plan of civil society, and taken in the mutual relations and dependencies of distant parts, is not in danger of being consumed by an irrational zeal for or against any established element in that society.
Despite his regrets, Max had to admit that relinquishing his heroic mantle was almost liberating. When you were a villain, no one looked at you askance if you frequented seedy gambling hells, drank too much brandy, or neglected to tie your cravat in a flawless bow. No one whispered behind their hands if your untrimmed hair curled over the edge of your collar or it had been three days since your last shave.
Max gave the sooty stubble shadowing his jaw a rueful stroke, remembering a time when he would have discharged his valet without a letter of recommendation for letting him appear in public in such a disreputable state. Since resigning his coveted chair on the Court of Directors of the East India Company in the aftermath of the scandal that had sent the society gossips into a feeding frenzy for months, he was no longer forced to make painfully polite conversation with those who sought his favor.
Nor did he have to suffer fools graciously, if not gladly. Instead, everyone scurried out of his path to avoid the caustic lash of his tongue and the contempt smoldering in his smoky gray eyes. He would rather have people fear him than pity him. His ferocious demeanor also discouraged the well-meaning women who found it unthinkable that a man who had been one of the most eligible catches in England for over a decade should have been so unceremoniously thrown over by his chosen bride.
They were only too eager to cast him in the role of wounded hero, a man who might welcome their clucks of sympathy and fawning attempts to comfort him, both on the ballroom floor and between the sheets of their beds. Shaking his head in disgust, Max turned on his heel and went striding toward his own carriage.
Most likely himself. The lieutenant returned the pistol to its mahogany case before trotting after Max. About The Author. Shannon Butler.
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